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George Nakratzas

Dr. GEORGE NAKRATZAS

Interview with the Anti-Nationalist

Interview by George Stamkos, March 16, 2011

source in GR


Dr. GEORGE NAKRATZAS; "In Greece, I believe that the number of psychiatrists should be doubled, because otherwise I don't see you doing well!"

Nationalists love to hate him. At the mere mention of his name, they act Pavlovian, like a bull in front of a “red flag.” The so-called “progressives” usually have a sour expression on their faces when forced to refute his arguments and positions. On the contrary, he is supported by the “dissident intellectuals” of Greece and all sorts of anti-nationalists, who have managed to escape the nationalist “brainwashing” of the Greek educational system.

Dr. George Nakratzas is considered by many to be a controversial figure, except of course for those who have read his “heretical” books, which refute our “national myths” and the various “self-evident truths” that they cultivate. Dr. George Nakratzas is a writer and publisher (Batavia Publications), who does not live permanently in Greece, although he visits it very often. Specifically, he lives in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, where he worked for many years as a pulmonologist, while for a number of years he was also the director of a clinic. He began writing his “heretical” books in the 1980s and the writings caused a “huge uproar”, especially among the intolerant nationalist circles of our country. Today, among other things, he is also a political advisor to the EFA (European Free Alliance), and a collaborator of EBLUL , the European Union's body for the less spoken languages ​​in the old continent. Last September, Batavia Publications republished the infamous ABECEDAR , an alphabet book that the Greek state published in 1925 for the education of the so-called "Macedonian minority" in northern Greece, but then decided to withdraw it. The republishing of this book is sure to cause many reactions, from "well-known circles" and not only. So, on the occasion of the republishing of the "heretical" ABECEDAR , we found Giorgos Nakratzas and "interrogated" him, so that he could publicly state his own opinion to the anxious readers of ZENITH...

First published in Greece as "I steni ethnoloyiki syngenia ton simerinon Ellinon, Voulgaron kai Tourkon, 1988"


Interview by George Stamkos, March 16, 2011

Stamkos: Mr. Nakratzas, what prompted you to study the "forbidden history" of the modern Greek state, and specifically to study the issue of the assimilation/disappearance of "disturbing" minorities from the territory of present-day Greece?

Nakratzas: The first and most important reason for this study is the fact that ideologically I am against any form of forced assimilation and especially against any disappearance of Minorities. This political ideology is not only my own political philosophy, but it is the ideological foundation on which the European Union is based today.

But emotionally equally important is the fact that both my parents were refugees from eastern Thrace and Asia Minor, belonging to the most tragic Greek Minority. This Minority was destroyed by Eleftherios Venizelos, that most capable exponent of the paranoid Great Idea.

Both my parents' families lived in Turkey with a significant fortune, and were transferred to Greek Macedonia, destitute, due to the forced population exchange, which was due to Venizelos and not the Turks as is generally believed.

It is worth noting that the compensations that were generally given for refugees, both from abroad and from the then League of Nations, were robbed by the rodents of the Greek state...


Stamkos: One of your first books – which in fact made you particularly “unpleasant” among nationalists – was entitled The Close Ethnological Affinity of Modern Greeks, Bulgarians and Turks (Batavia Publishing, 1988). Why do you believe that these three neighboring peoples, who have historically been “implacable enemies” of each other, display such a close ethnological affinity?

Nakratzas: Here I must confess that the title of the first edition of my book contains a fundamental error. Specifically, it is not about an ethnological kinship between the peoples of the Balkans, it is simply about a close racial kinship. The national identity of each individual is a cultural concept, on the contrary, racial identity depends not on culture but on the chromosomes of each citizen, provided that these are recognizable.

Both the Greeks and the Turks, Bulgarians or ethnic Macedonians consist of a mosaic of peoples or tribes which of course, depending on the region, consists of very similar chromosomal traits. I analyze this issue in detail in my books, which contradicts the myths we are taught in schools…


Stamkos: What problems did you encounter when you first published a book that said things “forbidden” by Greek nationalist historiography? Has Greek society changed since the 1980s regarding the acceptance of diversity, different points of view, and minorities?

Nakratzas: The problems that were created were quite numerous, because modern Greek society has not yet entered the phase of ideological Renaissance, like Western Europe, but is more or less in a phase between theocracy and modernism. The consequence of this is that the average Modern Greek does not even tolerate discussion on so-called national issues , of course the obscurantist role of the Church being predominant.

So far, nothing has changed in the issues you mention, only the international conditions have changed because the "Cocoons" , i.e. the European Union, will not allow Europe to regress to theocracy. Do not forget that the revolution of 1821 had failed and thanks to the sacrifices of the Europeans, i.e. the English sailors in the naval battle of Navarino and the French soldiers of General Maison's army in the Peloponnese, Greece was liberated, which is almost hidden.


Stamkos: Certain nationalists, having negatively interpreted the books you write and publish as well as your positions regarding the “non-existent” Slavo-Macedonian minority in Greece, have attacked you from time to time and have accused you of serious characterizations, such as “anti-Hellenic”, “janissary”, “agent”, etc. Recently, you even had a legal adventure with a far-right leaflet, which you won. What do you have to answer to all those who accuse you of these accusations?

Nakratzas: The behavior of the nationalists is self-evident because these miserable Modern Greeks are nothing more than the victims of our so-called "noble blindness", as a Greek intellectual expressed it.

Nationalist propaganda, I would rather say "brainwashing", in school, in the army, in the church and elsewhere, has created that reflexive mindset according to which anyone who does not agree with us is a traitor, a sellout, an agent and does not get along...

In Greece, I believe that the number of psychiatrists should be doubled because otherwise I don't see you doing well!


Stamkos: You are, as is known, also a political advisor to EFA and a collaborator of EBLUL , the European Union body for the least spoken languages ​​in the old continent. Why should the EU intervene in issues of “national policy” and press for the rights of “non-existent” minorities in Greece?

Nakratzas: Your question is highly provocative. Mr. Stamkos, Modern Greeks must understand that the era when every state can do whatever it wants with its minorities, both linguistic and cultural, religious or national, is over. This is exactly what the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the country of Albanian origin, Mr. Pangalos, said, who now claims to be a direct descendant of Alexander the Great.

Human rights are not issues of national politics, as you say, but are issues that concern the whole of Europe. Anyone who dares to violate them violently will be imprisoned in The Hague, where Milosevic was also "hosted"...


Stamkos: The official position of the Greek state is that in Greece "there are no national minorities", but only one religious one, the Muslim minority of Western Thrace, recognized by the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). Is this really the case? Why does Greece insist on denying the existence of minorities on its territory?

Nakratzas: For the simple reason that those in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs suffer from a kind of autistic syndrome, that is, they live in their own world without being able to perceive what is happening in the outside world. The clock in the brain of these people stopped at the date 1903.


Stamkos: In our country, the dominant view is that in Greek Macedonia there are only Greeks. They say that the Slavic-Macedonian minority is non-existent, that it is a propaganda construct of Tito and the Skopjes, which lacks historical and ethnological basis. What is your view on this?

Nakratzas: This absurd view is very commonly heard, a fact which forms the basis of today's Greek nationalist propaganda. Documents are still preserved today in the archives of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs which state that in the then Ottoman Macedonia there were Greeks, Turks and Macedonians (The Macedonians, according to the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs, had no relation to the Greek-speaking inhabitants and were known as Makedonski, later they were called Slavo-Macedonians by the KKE).

In 1870, the Bulgarian Exarchate was created, so Greek propaganda, in order to convince the Slavic-speaking Macedonians not to fall under the influence of Bulgarian propaganda, cultivated in them the idea that they were not Bulgarians but descendants of the ancient Macedonians! The worst thing is that both they and we believed the myth, with results that are visible to this day.

The officials of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs either do not know or pretend not to know that the first congress of the then Macedonian intellectuals took place in 1897 in Thessaloniki, in the presence of Delchev. Unfortunately for them, however, these young Macedonians were socialists, and not pro-royalists, which was something of a red flag for the ruling class of Europe at the time. It should be noted that 20 years later the October Revolution broke out, with all the well-known consequences.

The national identity of the Macedonians is therefore not a creation of Tito but existed since that time, at least among that portion of Macedonians who were politically aware.

Now the funny argument that the Macedonians of the Republic of Macedonia lack a historical and ethnological basis should not even be mentioned as an anecdote, because all the peoples of the Balkans, including us Greeks, are made up of a mosaic of peoples and tribes.

Both the inhabitants of the Republic of Macedonia and the current inhabitants of the Republic of Greece have no or little relation to the ancient Macedonians, the medieval Slavs, or the ancient Greeks.

For example, about half of the inhabitants of today's Peloponnese and almost all of the inhabitants of today's Attica-Boeotia are descendants of Albanians who came there in the 14th century AD. A huge percentage of the Greeks of Epirus, central Greece and Pindos are descendants of Slavs, Latin-speaking Vlachs and Albanians who came to these parts after the 6th , 9th and 13th - 14th centuries AD.

This reality, of course, applies to all the peoples of the Balkans and Europe, and the funny anecdote that we are a brotherly people even goes beyond the limits of paranoia.


Stamkos: You, if I remember correctly, are of Asia Minor origin. But why are you so concerned about the rights of the so-called "Macedonian" minority in northern Greece? Why don't you deal, for example, with the rights of the Greeks of Constantinople or the Greeks of Northern Epirus?

Nakratzas: You are making a mistake, Mr. Stamko. My support for the rights of the ethnic Macedonians of our country has more to do with the issue of our democratization. The democratization of any country is measured by how much that country protects the rights of Minorities, whatever they may be. This is the meaning of my actions.

Regarding your second question, the answer is twofold, firstly, I do not deal with any minority unless I am asked by the Minority itself, and secondly, I believe that the issue of Minorities in each country is the exclusive obligation of the enlightened citizens of the countries in which the Minorities live.

In our country, one mainly sees people on the Left, and more specifically the leaders of the Coalition, tearing their clothes for the Kurds of Turkey or the Indians of Mexico. However, these same people act deaf or mute if you talk to them about ethnic Macedonians.

I observed this behavior years ago at a Synaspismos rally in Thessaloniki, specifically at the Aigli cinema, where their then president, Mr. Konstantopoulos, was also present. When I asked in an intervention whether we would give back to the Macedonians what we stole from them, namely their language, then of the approximately 5,000 gathered party supporters, approximately 25% applauded furiously and 75% swallowed their tongues!

Recently, the same theater of the absurd was played out at an open gathering in the square opposite the Acheiropoieto church, where the Secretary of the Coalition, Mr. Hountis, was present. When I publicly asked a question about the ethnic Macedonians, this very clever gentleman, in order to avoid answering, pretended to be an idiot, saying that he did not understand my question, and added that after the gathering he would speak to me personally to explain. Of course, I did not agree to wait and left the gathering…


Stamkos: What is the ABECEDAR reading book , which you just released from Batavia Publications? Why did you decide to publish a book that the Greek state published in 1925 for the Macedonian minority of northern Greece and then decided to withdraw it?

Nakratzas: I have already answered you, but I can add that I consider it the greatest sin to steal from a people their native language. I refer you to Thanasis Triaridis's amazing article "A severed tongue". Because of this article, after the newspaper Makedonia refused to publish it, this amazing young writer interrupted his collaboration with the newspaper.

Many Greeks fear that if, for example, the existence of a Slav-Macedonian minority in Greece is recognized and certain cultural rights are granted, then this will activate separatist and separatist tendencies that may even lead to the secession of Greek territories... Are the Greeks "paranoid" or do they have reason to believe such a thing?

These Greeks are not born paranoid, they are completely normal people, but they have become so due to the constant nationalistic "brainwashing" by the school, the army and the church.


Stamkos: What is your opinion on Greek nationalism in general? What is its qualitative difference compared to other European nationalisms, e.g. French, Italian, etc.?

Nakratzas: We should not associate nationalism with patriotism. Patriotism teaches one to defend one's homeland from dangers, just as one has a duty to defend one's home and family if criminals invade one's home. Nationalism in general is a criminal theory, which teaches intolerance and the destruction of what is different.


Stamkos: What is your opinion about the Greek Church and especially Archbishop Christodoulos?

Nakratzas: What can I say, it would take an entire interview to answer this question about the man who said that to solve the Cyprus problem we need cannons (it is mentioned in detail in Mr. Vasilakis' book The Scourge of God ). For this priest I feel the greatest contempt that any normal person can possibly feel.


Stamkos: You have recently stated that Greece has been experiencing a kind of “spiritual renaissance” in recent years, with groups of dissident democratic intellectuals boldly moving towards the emergence of historical truth away from “national myths” and nationalist ideological blindness. Is this really happening or is it just wishful thinking?

Nakratzas: Of course, this is the case, and I could with great pleasure mention the following Greek authors: Messrs. Nikos Dimou, Thanasis Triaridis, Dionysis Gousetis, Dimitris Lithoxosou, Giorgos Tsiakalos and others whom I do not know personally.


Stamkos: What is the Greece you envision?

Nakratzas: A truly democratic Greece and not semi-fascist, at least when it comes to human rights...


source in GR : Zenith, New İdealistic Cultural Current


***


Δρ. ΓΙΩΡΓΟΣ ΝΑΚΡΑΤΖΑΣ

Συνέντευξη με τον Αντι-Εθνικιστή

Δρ. ΓΙΩΡΓΟ ΝΑΚΡΑΤΖΑ

«Στην Ελλάδα πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να διπλασιαστεί ο αριθμός των ψυχιάτρων, διότι αλλιώς δεν σας βλέπω να την βγάζετε καλά!» Δρ. Γ. Νακρατζάς

Οι εθνικιστές λατρεύουν να τον μισούν. Στο άκουσμα και μόνο του ονόματός του λειτουργούν παβλοφιανά, όπως ένας ταύρος μπροστά σε «κόκκινο πανί». Οι δήθεν «προοδευτικοί» έχουν συνήθως ξινισμένη έκφραση στα πρόσωπα τους, όταν αναγκάζονται να αντικρούσουν τα επιχειρήματα και τις θέσεις του. Αντίθετα τον υποστηρίζουν οι «αντιφρονούντες διανοούμενοι» της Ελλάδας και οι κάθε λογής αντι-εθνικιστές, που έχουν κατορθώσει να ξεφύγουν από την εθνικιστική «πλύση εγκεφάλου» του ελληνικού εκπαιδευτικού συστήματος.

Ο Δρ. Γιώργος Νακρατζάς θεωρείται από πολλούς ένα αμφιλεγόμενο πρόσωπο, εκτός βέβαια από εκείνους που έχουν διαβάσει τα «αιρετικά» βιβλία του, τα οποία καταρρίπτουν τους «εθνικούς μύθους» μας και τις διάφορες «αυταπόδεικτες αλήθειες» που αυτοί καλλιεργούν. Ο Δρ. Γιώργος Νακρατζάς, είναι συγγραφέας και εκδότης (εκδόσεις Μπατάβια), που δεν ζει μόνιμα στην Ελλάδα, αν και την επισκέπτεται πολύ συχνά. Συγκεκριμένα ζει στο Ρότερνταμ της Ολλανδίας, όπου εργάστηκε για πολλά χρόνια ως ιατρός-πνευμονολόγος, ενώ επί σειρά ετών υπήρξε και διευθυντής κλινικής. Ξεκίνησε τη συγγραφή των «αιρετικών» του βιβλίων τη δεκαετία του 1980 και τα συγγράμματα προκάλεσαν «σάλο», ιδιαίτερα ανάμεσα στους μισαλλόδοξους εθνικιστικούς κύκλους της χώρας μας. Σήμερα, ανάμεσα στ’ άλλα, είναι και πολιτικός σύμβουλος της EFA (European Free Alliance), και συνεργάτης της EBLUL, δηλαδή του οργάνου της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για τις λιγότερο ομιλούμενες γλώσσες στη γηραιά ήπειρο. Τον περασμένο Σεπτέμβριο οι εκδόσεις Μπατάβια επανεκδώσανε το περιβόητο ABECEDAR, ένα αλφαβητάρι που εξέδωσε το 1925 το ελληνικό κράτος για την εκπαίδευση της λεγόμενης «μακεδονικής μειονότητας» στη βόρεια Ελλάδα, αλλά κατόπιν αποφάσισε να το αποσύρει. Η επανέκδοση αυτού του βιβλίου είναι σίγουρο ότι θα προκαλέσει πολλές αντιδράσεις, από «γνωστούς κύκλους» και όχι μόνον. Με αφορμή λοιπόν την επανέκδοση του «αιρετικού» ABECEDAR, βρήκαμε τον Γιώργο Νακρατζά και τον «ανακρίναμε», ώστε να καταθέσει δημοσίως τη δική του άποψη στους ανήσυχους αναγνώστες του ΖΕΝΙΘ …

Συνέντευξη στον Γιώργο Στάμκο

Κύριε Νακρατζά τι ήταν αυτό που σας ώθησε στη μελέτη της «απαγορευμένης ιστορίας» του σύγχρονου ελληνικού κράτους, και συγκεκριμένα στη μελέτη του ζητήματος της αφομοίωσης / εξαφάνισης των «ενοχλητικών» μειονοτήτων από το έδαφος της σημερινής Ελλάδας;

Πρώτη και σημαντική αιτία αυτής της μελέτης αποτελεί το γεγονός ότι ιδεολογικά είμαι εναντίον κάθε μορφής βιαίας αφομοίωσης και ιδιαίτερα εναντίον οποιασδήποτε εξαφάνισης Μειονοτήτων. Η πολιτική αυτή ιδεολογία δεν αποτελεί μόνο δική μου πολιτική φιλοσοφία, αλλά είναι το ιδεολογικό βάθρο πάνω στο οποίο στηρίζεται σήμερα η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Συναισθηματικά όμως εξίσου σημαντικό είναι το γεγονός ότι και οι δύο γονείς μου ήταν πρόσφυγες προερχόμενοι από την ανατολική Θράκη και τη Μικρά Ασία, ανήκοντες στην πιο τραγική ελληνική Μειονότητα. Τη Μειονότητα αυτήν την κατέστρεψε ο Ελευθέριος Βενιζέλος, ο ικανότατος αυτός εκφραστής της παρανοϊκής Μεγάλης Ιδέας.

Οι οικογένειες και των δύο γονιών μου ζούσαν στην Τουρκία έχοντας μια σημαντική περιουσία, μεταφέρθηκαν δε πάμφτωχοι στην ελληνική Μακεδονία λόγω της υποχρεωτικής ανταλλαγής των πληθυσμών, η οποία οφείλεται στον Βενιζέλο και όχι στους Τούρκους όπως γενικά πιστεύεται.

Αξίζει δε να σημειωθεί ότι τις αποζημιώσεις που δόθηκαν γενικά για τους πρόσφυγες τόσο από το εξωτερικό όσο και από την τότε Κοινωνία των Εθνών τις λήστεψαν τα τρωκτικά του ελλαδικού κράτους…

Ένα από τα πρώτα βιβλία σας –το οποίο μάλιστα σας έκανε ιδιαίτερα «δυσάρεστο» στους κόλπους των εθνικιστών– είχε τον τίτλο Η Στενή Εθνολογική Συγγένεια των Σημερινών Ελλήνων, Βουλγάρων και Τούρκων (εκδ. Μπατάβια, 1988). Γιατί θεωρείτε πως αυτοί οι τρεις γειτονικοί λαοί, που υπήρξαν ιστορικά και «άσπονδοι εχθροί» μεταξύ τους, παρουσιάζουν τόσο στενή εθνολογική συγγένεια;

Εδώ θα πρέπει να ομολογήσω ότι ο τίτλος της πρώτης έκδοσης του βιβλίου μου αυτού περιέχει ένα βασικό λάθος. Συγκεκριμένα δεν πρόκειται για εθνολογική συγγένεια ανάμεσα στους λαούς των Βαλκανίων, απλώς πρόκειται για μια στενή φυλετική συγγένεια. Η εθνική ταυτότητα κάθε ατόμου αποτελεί μια πολιτιστική έννοια, αντιθέτως η φυλετική ταυτότητα εξαρτάται όχι από τον πολιτισμό αλλά από τα χρωματοσώματα κάθε πολίτη, εφόσον βέβαια αυτά είναι αναγνωρίσιμα.

Τόσο οι Έλληνες όσο και οι Τούρκοι, Βούλγαροι ή εθνικά Μακεδόνες αποτελούνται από ένα μωσαϊκό λαών ή φυλών το οποίο βέβαια, ανάλογα με την περιοχή, αποτελείται από συγγενέστατα χρωματοσωμικά γνωρίσματα. Το θέμα αυτό το αναλύω λεπτομερειακά στα βιβλία μου, πράγμα που έρχεται σε αντίθεση με τους μύθους που μας μαθαίνουν στα σχολεία…

Τι προβλήματα συναντήσατε όταν εκδώσατε για πρώτη φορά ένα βιβλίο, που έλεγε πράγματα «απαγορευμένα» από την ελληνική εθνικιστική ιστοριογραφία; Άλλαξε η ελληνική κοινωνία σε σχέση με τη δεκαετία του 1980 σχετικά με την αποδοχή της διαφορετικότητας, της διαφορετικής άποψης και των μειονοτήτων;

Τα προβλήματα που δημιουργήθηκαν ήταν αρκετά, αυτό διότι η νεοελληνική κοινωνία δεν έχει υπεισέλθει ακόμα στην φάση της ιδεολογικής Αναγέννησης, όπως η Δυτική Ευρώπη, αλλά βρίσκεται περίπου σε μια φάση μεταξύ θεοκρατίας και μοντερνισμού. Συνέπεια αυτού είναι το ότι ο μέσος Νεοέλληνας δεν ανέχεται καν συζήτηση πάνω στα λεγόμενα εθνικά θέματα, προεξάρχοντος βέβαια του σκοταδιστικού ρόλου της Εκκλησίας.

Μέχρι στιγμής δεν άλλαξε τίποτε στα θέματα που αναφέρεσθε, απλώς άλλαξαν οι διεθνείς συνθήκες διότι οι «Κουτόφραγκοι», δηλαδή η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν θα επιτρέψουν την οπισθοδρόμηση της Ευρώπης στη θεοκρατία. Μην ξεχνάτε ότι η επανάσταση του 1821 είχε αποτύχει και χάρη στις θυσίες των Ευρωπαίων, δηλαδή των Άγγλων ναυτών στη ναυμαχία του Ναυαρίνου και των Γάλλων στρατιωτών του στρατού του στρατηγού Μαιζόν στην Πελοπόννησο, η Ελλάδα απελευθερώθηκε, πράγμα το οποίο σχεδόν αποκρύπτεται.

Ορισμένοι εθνικιστές, έχοντας ερμηνεύσει αρνητικά τα βιβλία που γράφετε κι εκδίδετε καθώς και τις θέσεις σας σχετικά με την «ανύπαρκτη» σλαβομακεδονική μειονότητα στην Ελλάδα, σας έχουν επιτεθεί κατά καιρούς και σας έχουν προσάψει βαρείς χαρακτηρισμούς, όπως π.χ. «ανθέλληνας», «γενίτσαρος», «πράκτορας» κλπ. Τελευταία μάλιστα είχατε και μια δικαστική περιπέτεια με μια ακροδεξιά φυλλάδα, την οποία και κερδίσατε. Τι έχετε να απαντήσετε σε όλους αυτούς που σας προσάπτουν αυτές τις κατηγορίες;

Η συμπεριφορά των εθνικιστών είναι αυτονόητη διότι οι ταλαίπωροι αυτοί Νεοέλληνες δεν είναι παρά τα θύματα της λεγόμενης «ευγενούςμας τύφλωσης», όπως ακριβώς εξέφρασε κάποιος Έλληνας διανοούμενος.

Η εθνικιστική προπαγάνδα, μάλλον θα έλεγα η «πλύση εγκεφάλου», στο σχολείο, στο στρατό, στην εκκλησία και αλλαχού, δημιούργησε εκείνο το σκεπτικό αντανακλαστικό σύμφωνα με το οποίο όποιος δεν συμφωνεί μαζί μας είναι προδότης, πουλημένος, πράκτορας και δεν συμμαζεύεται…

Στην Ελλάδα πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να διπλασιαστεί ο αριθμός των ψυχιάτρων διότι αλλιώς δεν σας βλέπω να την βγάζετε καλά!

Είστε, ως γνωστόν, και πολιτικός σύμβουλος της EFA και συνεργάτης της EBLUL, δηλαδή του οργάνου της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για τις λιγότερο ομιλούμενες γλώσσες στη γηραιά ήπειρο. Γιατί η Ε.Ε. πρέπει να παρεμβαίνει σε ζητήματα «εθνικής πολιτικής» και να πιέζει για τα δικαιώματα των «ανύπαρκτων» μειονοτήτων στην Ελλάδα;

Η ερώτησή σας είναι έντονα προβοκατόρικη. Κύριε Στάμκο, πρέπει να καταλάβουν οι Νεοέλληνες ότι πέρασε πια η εποχή που μπορεί κάθε κράτος να κάνει ότι θέλει με τις μειονότητες του, τόσο τις γλωσσικές όσο και τις πολιτιστικές, θρησκευτικές ή εθνικές. Αυτά ακριβώς είπε και ο αρβανίτικης καταγωγής τέως Υπουργός Εξωτερικών της χώρας κύριος Πάγκαλος, ο οποίος τώρα μάλιστα δεν αποκλείεται να ισχυρίζεται ότι είναι και κατευθείαν απόγονος του μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου.

Τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα δεν είναι θέματα εθνικής πολιτικής, όπως λέτε, αλλά είναι θέματα που αφορούν σε ολόκληρη την Ευρώπη. Όποιος δε τολμήσει να τα καταπατήσει βιαίως τον περιμένουν οι φυλακές της Χάγης, εκεί δηλαδή που «φιλοξενήθηκε» και ο Μιλόσεβιτς…

Η επίσημη θέση του ελληνικού κράτους είναι ότι στην Ελλάδα «δεν υπάρχουν εθνικές μειονότητες», αλλά μόνο μία θρησκευτική, η μουσουλμανική μειονότητα της Δυτικής Θράκης, αναγνωρισμένη από τη Συνθήκη της Λοζάννης (1923). Είναι έτσι τα πράγματα; Γιατί η Ελλάδα επιμένει να αρνείται την ύπαρξη μειονοτήτων στο έδαφός της;

Για τον απλούστατο λόγο ότι οι υπεύθυνοι του Υπουργείου Εξωτερικών πάσχουν από ένα είδος αυτιστικού συνδρόμου, δηλαδή ζουν στον δικό τους κόσμο χωρίς να μπορούν να αντιληφθούν τι γίνεται στον έξω κόσμο. Το ρολόι του εγκεφάλου των ανθρώπων αυτών σταμάτησε στην ημερομηνία 1903.

Στη χώρα μας η κυρίαρχη άποψη είναι ότι στην ελληνική Μακεδονία υπάρχουν μόνον Έλληνες. Λένε ότι η σλαβομακεδονική μειονότητα είναι ανύπαρκτη, ότι πρόκειται για ένα προπαγανδιστικό κατασκεύασμα του Τίτο και των Σκοπίων, που στερείται ιστορικής και εθνολογικής βάσης. Ποια είναι η άποψη σας πάνω σ’ αυτό;

Αυτή η ανόητη άποψη ακούεται συνηθέστατα, γεγονός το οποίο αποτελεί την βάση της σημερινής ελληνικής εθνικιστικής προπαγάνδας. Διασώζονται και σήμερα ακόμη έγγραφα στα αρχεία του ελληνικού Υπουργείου των Εξωτερικών τα οποία αναφέρουν ότι στην τότε οθωμανική Μακεδονία κατοικούσαν Έλληνες, Τούρκοι και Μακεδόνες (Οι Μακεδόνες κατά το ελληνικό Υπουργείο των Εξωτερικών δεν είχαν σχέση με τους Ελληνόφωνους κατοίκους και ήταν γνωστοί σαν Μακεδόνσκι, αργότερα δε ονομάσθηκαν από το ΚΚΕ Σλαβομακεδόνες).

Το 1870 δημιουργήθηκε η βουλγαρική Εξαρχία, οπότε η ελληνική προπαγάνδα προκειμένου να πείσει τους σλαβόφωνους Μακεδόνες να μην περιέλθουν κάτω από την επιρροή της βουλγαρικής προπαγάνδας τους καλλιέργησε την ιδέα ότι δεν ήταν Βούλγαροι αλλά απόγονοι των αρχαίων Μακεδόνων! Το χειρότερο είναι ότι τον μύθο τον πιστέψαμε τόσο αυτοί όσο και εμείς, με αποτελέσματα που είναι ορατά μέχρι και σήμερα.

Οι αρμόδιοι του ελληνικού Υπουργείου των Εξωτερικών είτε δεν γνωρίζουν είτε κάνουν ότι δεν γνωρίζουν πως το πρώτο συνέδριο των τότε διανοούμενων Μακεδόνων έλαβε χώρα το 1897 στην Θεσσαλονίκη, παρουσία και του Ντέλτσεφ. Προς ατυχία τους όμως οι νεαροί αυτοί Μακεδόνες ήταν σοσιαλιστές, και όχι φιλοβασιλικοί, πράγμα το οποίο αποτελούσε για την άρχουσα τάξη της τότε Ευρώπης κάτι σαν κόκκινο πανί. Σημειωτέον ότι 20 χρόνια αργότερα ξέσπασε και η Οκτωβριανή Επανάσταση, με όλες τις γνωστές συνέπειες.

Η εθνική λοιπόν ταυτότητα των Μακεδόνων δεν είναι δημιούργημα του Τίτο αλλά υπήρχε από την εποχή ακόμα εκείνη, τουλάχιστον σε εκείνη την μερίδα των Μακεδόνων που ήταν συνειδητοποιημένοι πολιτικά.

Τώρα το αστείο επιχείρημα ότι οι Μακεδόνες της Δημοκρατίας της Μακεδονίας στερούνται ιστορικής και εθνολογικής βάσης δεν θα έπρεπε ούτε καν σαν ανέκδοτο να αναφέρεται, διότι όλοι οι λαοί των Βαλκανίων, συμπεριλαμβανομένων και ημών των Ελλήνων, αποτελούνται από ένα μωσαϊκό λαών και φυλών.

Τόσο οι κάτοικοι της Δημοκρατίας της Μακεδονίας όσο και οι σημερινοί κάτοικοι της Δημοκρατίας της Ελλάδας δεν έχουν καμία ή ελάχιστη σχέση με τους αρχαίους Μακεδόνες, τους μεσαιωνικούς Σλάβους ή τους αρχαίους Έλληνες.

Για παράδειγμα το ήμισυ περίπου των κατοίκων της σημερινής Πελοποννήσου και σχεδόν το σύνολο των κατοίκων της σημερινής Αττικοβοιωτίας είναι απόγονοι Αλβανών που ήρθαν εκεί τον 14ο αιώνα μ.Χ. Ένα τεράστιο ποσοστό των Ελλήνων της Ηπείρου, της κεντρικής Ελλάδας και της Πίνδου είναι απόγονοι Σλάβων, λατινόφωνων Βλάχων και Αλβανών που ήρθαν στα μέρη αυτά μετά τον 6ο τον 9ο και τον 13ο-14ο αιώνα μ.Χ .

Η πραγματικότητα αυτή ισχύει βέβαια για όλους τους λαούς των Βαλκανίων και της Ευρώπης, το δε αστείο ανέκδοτο ότι είμαστε ανάδελφος λαός ξεπερνάει ακόμα και τα όρια της παράνοιας.

Εσείς, αν θυμάμαι καλά, είστε Μικρασιατικής καταγωγής. Γιατί όμως κόπτεστε τόσο πολύ για τα δικαιώματα της λεγόμενης «μακεδονικής» μειονότητας στη βόρεια Ελλάδα; Γιατί δεν ασχολείστε π.χ. με τα δικαιώματα των Ρωμιών της Πόλης ή των Ελλήνων της Βορείου Ηπείρου;

Κάποιο λάθος κάνετε κύριε Στάμκο. Η υποστήριξή εκ μέρους μου των δικαιωμάτων των εθνικά Μακεδόνων της χώρας μας έχει να κάνει περισσότερο με το θέμα του εκδημοκρατισμού μας. Ο εκδημοκρατισμός κάθε χώρας μετριέται από το κατά πόσο η χώρα αυτή προστατεύει τα δικαιώματα των Μειονοτήτων, όποιες και να είναι αυτές. Αυτό είναι και το νόημα των πράξεων μου.

Όσον αφορά την δεύτερη ερώτησή σας η απάντηση είναι διττή, πρώτον δεν ασχολούμαι με οποιαδήποτε μειονότητα εάν δεν ερωτηθώ από την ίδια την Μειονότητα, και δεύτερον πιστεύω ότι το θέμα των Μειονοτήτων κάθε χώρας είναι αποκλειστική υποχρέωση των πεφωτισμένων πολιτών των χωρών στις οποίες οι Μειονότητες ζουν.

Στην χώρα μας βλέπει κανείς κυρίως τους ανθρώπους της Αριστεράς, και πιο συγκεκριμένα τους ιθύνοντες του Συνασπισμού, να σχίζουν τα ενδύματά τους για τους Κούρδους της Τουρκίας ή για τους Ινδιάνους του Μεξικού. Οι ίδιοι όμως αυτοί άνθρωποι παριστάνουν τους κουφούς ή τους βουβούς εάν τους μιλήσεις για τους εθνικά Μακεδόνες.

Την συμπεριφορά αυτή την διαπίστωσα πριν από χρόνια σε μια συγκέντρωση του Συνασπισμού στη Θεσσαλονίκη, συγκεκριμένα στον κινηματόγραφο Αίγλη, όπου ήταν παρόν και ο τότε πρόεδρός τους κύριος Κωνσταντόπουλος. Όταν σε μια παρέμβαση μου ερώτησα εάν θα δώσουμε πίσω στους Μακεδόνες αυτό που τους κλέψαμε, δηλαδή τη γλώσσα τους, τότε από τους 5.000 περίπου συγκεντρωμένους οπαδούς του κόμματος το 25% περίπου χειροκρότησε μανιωδώς και το 75% κατάπιε την γλώσσα του!

Πρόσφατα το ίδιο θέατρο του παραλόγου παίχθηκε σε μια ανοικτή συγκέντρωση στην πλατεία που είναι απέναντι από την εκκλησία Αχειροποίητο, όπου ήταν παρόν ο Γραμματέας του Συνασπισμού κύριος Χουντής. Όταν υπέβαλα δημοσίως μια ερώτηση για τους εθνικά Μακεδόνες ο πανέξυπνος αυτός κύριος για να αποφύγει την απάντηση προσποιήθηκε τον ηλίθιο, λέγοντας ότι δεν κατάλαβε την ερώτησή μου, πρόσθεσε δε ότι μετά την συγκέντρωση θα μου μιλούσε προσωπικά για να μου εξηγήσει. Φυσικά δεν καταδέχθηκα να περιμένω και εγκατέλειψα την συγκέντρωση…

Τι είναι το αναγνωστικό ABECEDAR, που μόλις βγάλατε από τις εκδόσεις Μπατάβια; Γιατί αποφασίσατε να εκδώσετε ένα βιβλίο που έβγαλε το ελληνικό κράτος το 1925 για τη σλαβομακεδονική μειονότητα της βόρειας Ελλάδας και κατόπιν αποφάσισε να το αποσύρει;

Σας έχω ήδη απαντήσει, μπορώ όμως να προσθέσω ότι θεωρώ μέγιστο αμάρτημα το να κλέψεις από ένα λαό την μητρική του γλώσσα. Σας παραπέμπω στο καταπληκτικό άρθρο του Θανάση Τριαρίδη «Μια κομμένη γλώσσα». Λόγω του άρθρου αυτού, μετά την άρνηση της εφημερίδας Μακεδονία να το δημοσιεύσει, διέκοψε ο καταπληκτικός αυτός νεαρός συγγραφέας την συνεργασία του με την εφημερίδα.

Πολλοί Έλληνες φοβούνται ότι αν π.χ. αναγνωριστεί η ύπαρξη σλαβομακεδονικής μειονότητας στην Ελλάδα και δοθούν κάποια πολιτιστικά δικαιώματα, τότε αυτό θα ενεργοποιήσει αυτονομιστικές και αποσχιστικές τάσεις που ίσως οδηγήσουν και στην απόσπαση ελληνικών εδαφών… Είναι οι Έλληνες «παρανοϊκοί» ή έχουν λόγους να πιστεύουν κάτι τέτοιοι;

Αυτοί οι Έλληνες δεν εκ γενετής παρανοϊκοί, είναι εντελώς φυσιολογικοί άνθρωποι αλλά έτσι τους κατάντησε η συνεχής εθνικιστική «πλύση εγκεφάλου» από το σχολείο, τον στρατό και την εκκλησία.

Ποια είναι η άποψη σας για τον ελληνικό εθνικισμό γενικότερα; Ποια είναι η ποιοτική του διαφορά σε σχέση με τους άλλους ευρωπαϊκούς εθνικισμούς π.χ. τον γαλλικό, τον ιταλικό κ.α.;

Δεν πρέπει να συνδέουμε τον εθνικισμό με τον πατριωτισμό. Ο πατριωτισμός διδάσκει να υπερασπίζεται κανείς την πατρίδα του από κινδύνους, όπως και έχει χρέος να υπερασπισθεί κανείς το σπίτι του και την οικογένεια του εάν εισβάλουν στο σπίτι του εγκληματίες. Ο εθνικισμός γενικά είναι μια εγκληματική θεωρία, η οποία διδάσκει την μη ανοχή και την καταστροφή του διαφορετικού.

Ποια είναι η άποψη σας για την Ελλαδική Εκκλησία και ιδιαίτερα για τον αρχιεπίσκοπο Χριστόδουλο;

Τι να απαντήσω, εδώ θα χρειασθεί ολόκληρη συνέντευξη για να απαντήσω σχετικά με τον άνθρωπο αυτό που είπε ότι για την επίλυση του προβλήματος της Κύπρου μας χρειάζονται κανόνια (αναφέρεται λεπτομερειακώς στο βιβλίο του κυρίου Βασιλάκη Η Μάστιγα του Θεού). Για τον παπά αυτόν αισθάνομαι την μεγαλύτερη περιφρόνηση που είναι δυνατόν να αισθάνεται κάθε φυσιολογικός άνθρωπος.

Έχετε πρόσφατα δηλώσει πως η Ελλάδα γνωρίζει τα τελευταία χρόνια ένα είδος «πνευματικής αναγέννησης», με ομάδες αντιφρονούντων δημοκρατών διανοούμενων που προχωρούν τολμηρά προς την κατεύθυνση της ανάδειξης της ιστορικής αλήθειας μακριά από «εθνικούς μύθους», και εθνικιστική ιδεολογική τύφλωση. Συμβαίνει όντως κάτι τέτοιο ή πρόκειται απλώς για ευσεβείς πόθους;

Βεβαίως και συμβαίνει αυτό, θα μπορούσα δε με μεγάλη χαρά να αναφέρω τους εξής Έλληνες συγγραφείς: τους κυρίους Νίκο Δήμου, Θανάση Τριαρίδη, Διονύση Γουσέτη, Δημήτρη Λιθοξόου, Γιώργο Τσιάκαλο και άλλους που δεν τους γνωρίζω προσωπικά.

Ποια είναι η Ελλάδα που οραματίζεστε;

Μία Ελλάδα πραγματικά δημοκρατική και όχι ημιφασιστική, όσον αφορά τουλάχιστον τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα…

-//-


17 Ekim 2024 Perşembe

Sardesli Artemis

 


“Lidyalılar’da Hellenleşme Sardes’e Zeus tapınağını inşa ettiklerinde yaşandı."- (Georgios Nakracas )


Lidya'nın başkenti Sardes’te (Salihli) Zeus tapınağı yoktur. Ancak kültü ve kutsal alanının varlığı Pers Dönemine (MÖ 6.yy) kadar gittiği epigrafik kanıtlardan bilinmektedir. Lidya'nın baş tanrıçası Artemis'tir. Lidçe Artimuu, Likçe Ertemi dedikleri "tanrça"nın adı Türkçedir ve Ertem/Erdem olarak hâlâ kullanılır.


"Geç Helenistik dönemden Roma dönemine tarihlenen ve Sardes'te Zeus kültünün bazı yönlerinin devam ettiğini kanıtlayan “Zeus'un hizmetkârlarından” Zeus'a ithaflar içeren birkaç yazıt bulunmaktadır. Bunların dışında, Paktolos'un doğu kıyısında, tapınağın nispeten yakınında bulunan Droaphernes yazıtı özellikle ilgi çekicidir; MÖ 4. yüzyıla ait bir Ahameniş orijinalinin MS 2.yüzyıla ait kopyası olan bu yazıtta “Baradatesli Zeus ”a bir heykel adanmıştır. Ne bu kültün doğası (erken tarihi ve Pers kökenli olması dışında), ne bu tanrının adı ve kimliği açıkça bilinmektedir, ne de Artemis Tapınağı'ndaki varlığı tespit edilmiştir." [Fikret Yegül, 2020]




“Hellenization of the Lydians happened when they built the temple of Zeus in Sardis.” (Georgios Nakracas )


There is no temple of Zeus in Sardis (Salihli today), the capital city of Lydia, but the existence of his cult and sanctuary is known from epigraphic evidence dating back to the Persian Period (6th century BC). The chief goddess of Lydia is Artemis, Artimuu in Lydian language, which is Ertemi in Lycian is not İndo-European or Greek origin. It is Turkish of etymology; Ertem/Erdem. The meaning is "virtuous", but back in time it was "virgin", just like the character of Artemis, a "virgin" goddess. Erdem and Ertem is in use as male/sur-name today.



"There are several inscriptions dating from the late Hellenistic to the Roman era that bear dedications to Zeus “from the servants of Zeus” that attest to the continuing observance of some aspect of Zeus cult at Sardis. Apart from these, of particular interest is the so-called Droaphernes inscription, found on the east bank of the Pactolus, relatively near the temple; it is a 2nd-century AD copy of a 4th-century BC Achaemenid original carrying a dedication of a statue to “Zeus of Baradates.” Neither the nature of this cult (except for its early date and Persian origin), nor the name and identity of this deity are clearly known, nor is its presence in the Temple of Artemis established." [Report 7: The Temple of Artemis at Sardis (2020), by Fikret Yegül]


SB


27 Ağustos 2017 Pazar

Turkish War of Independence




After WWI - Çanakkale (Gallipoli or Dardanelles) 
During the Turkish War of Independence / 26 August - 9 September


After the Armistice of Mondoros, the countries that had signed the agreement did not consider it necessary to abide by its terms. Under various pretexts the navies and the armies of the Entente (France, Britain and Italy ) occupied Istanbul, while the province of Adana was occupied by the French, and the British occupied Urfa and Maraş. In addition, British soldiers were in Merzifon and Samsun, and Italian soldiers were in Antalya and Konya. On the 15th of May 1919 the Greek Army landed in Izmir in accordance with the Allied powers. 


The Turkish War of Independence began under these difficult conditions on the 19th of May 1919 when Mustafa Kemal landed in Samsun. It is after this date, which marks the beginning of the Turkish War of Independence, that a national resistance arose across Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal became the leader of the national struggle movement which quickly grew in strength. Once the congresses in Erzurum and Sivas were held in the summer of 1919, the objectives of the national pact were declared.


When foreign armies occupied Istanbul on the 23rd of April 1920, Mustafa Kemal inaugurated the Turkish Grand National Assembly and established a provisional new government whose center was Ankara. On the same day, Mustafa Kemal was elected President of the Grand National Assembly. The Greeks started to advance towards Bursa and Eskişehir. On the 10th of January 1921, the enemy forces were heavily defeated by the Commander of the Western Front, Colonel Ismet and his troops. On the 10th of July 1921, the Greeks launched a frontal attack with five divisions on Sakarya. 


After the great battle of Sakarya, from the 23rd of August to the 13th of September, the Greek Army was defeated. After the battle, the Grand National Assembly gave Mustafa Kemal the titles of Ghazi and Marshal. Mustafa Kemal, who was determined to drive the foreign occupiers out, ordered a decisive attack which was launched on the 26th of August 1922. Enemy forces were surrounded, killed or captured on the 30th of August at Dumlupınar, and by the 9th of September 1922 the fleeing enemy forces were defeated in Izmir.


On the 24th of July 1923, with the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne (Lozan Antlaşması ) the independence of the new Turkish state was internationally recognized. On the 29th of October 1923, Atatürk declared the new Turkish state a Republic.





We remember....
SB


Turkish soldiers in Çanakkale



more:


Atrocities committed upon men and women of every age, children included, and in general, on noncombatants.
The horrors and atrocities inflicted by the Greeks on the unlucky inhabitants of occupied villages, the names of which will be cited below, have duly been ascertained. The narrative of these acts of barbarity is extracted from the reports of the Commanders of the various Turkish divisions and is confirmed by the testimony of mayors and divines of the devastated regions as well as by the photographs taken on the spot. The details which follow will give an idea of some of the most tragic scenes. 



(British used Chemical Gas in Gallipoli)





Turkish prisoners in Çanakkale 1915 taken by British soldiers on the left.
Turkish prisoners held for 22 Years by the Greeks after İndependence War, they were resqued by German soldiers in WW II !..










As ve Oğuz Türkleri - Azerbaycan ve Türkiye





* Azlar və Quzlar (yəni biz və Anadolu türkləri)

[Az/Aslar ve Guzlar (Oğuz) (yani biz ve Anadolu Türkleri)]

[Az/As people and Guz (Oghuz=Oğuz), (so us (=Azerbaijan Turks) and Anatolian Turks)]


* Tonyukuk abidəsi:  “Çölgi az əzig bultım” “Özüm Az yirim.. anı bilim ..ermış” yəni “çöllü azlardan bir ər tapdım. ,,Özüm Azyerim.. onu.. bilm imiş”. Yəni özüm Azyer olduğum üçün onu tanıyırdım, bilirdim .

[Tonyukuk Abidesi: "Çölgi az ezig bultım" "Özüm Az yirim..anı bilim..ermiş" yani "çöllü azlardan bir er buldum" "özüm Azer.. onu bilirim" Yani özü Azer olduğu için onu tanıyorum, biliyorum.]

[Tonyukuk Monument (on of the Orkhun Monuments): "I have found an az (tribe name=as/az) man from desert" " My origin is Az man (=er) .. I know him.." That means, He knowns him because he is also from Az Tribe.  


* Quzlar, Hunlar, Saklar, Skiflər, Qıpcaqlar, Kimmerlər, Subarlar və sairə kimi Azlar da türk boyudur, türk xalqıdır.

[Guzlar, Hunlar, Sakalar, İskitler, Kıpçaklar, Kimmerler, Subarlar v.s. gibi Azlar da Türk Boyudur, Türk Halkıdır.]

[Like the Oghuz (Guz-Ghuz-Oğuz), Huns, Sacae, Scythians, Kipchaks, Kimmerians (Cimmerians), Subars (Sibir-Suvar), etc. are the As/Az people are Turkish tribes, Turkish People.]


* Öyrənsək görəcəyik ki, Anadoluda türkcə yazılar miladdan öncə XXII-XVII əsrlərə gedib çıxdığı halda niyə Anadoluda Türk varlığını 1071-dən başlayırıq.

[Öğrensek göreceğiz ki, Anadolu'da Türkçe yazılar milattan önce 27.-22. asırlardan beri geldiği halde, niye Anadolu'da Türk varlığını 1071'den başlatıyoruz?]

[ We will see, if we learn, that Turkish inscriptions has been in Anatolia (Asia Minor) from the 27th-22th century BC, but why do we start the history of the Turkish people in Anatolia from 1071 AD ?]


Hikmet Babaoğlu / Azərbaycan
24 Avqust 2017 /link






Azərbaycan, yoxsa Az Ər Bay Tayqan – Yaxud, “azəri” sözü doğrudanmı Stalinin uydurmasıdır?!

Daşlarda nə yazılıb yaxud azəri sözü doğrudanmı Stalinin uydurmasıdır?!

Azərbaycan, yoxsa Az Ər Bay Tayqan…?! Azərbaycan sözünün etimalogiyasının izahında yeni elmi versiya …..



Son günlər sevdiyimiz və hörmət etdiyimiz türkiyəli tarixçi İlber Ortaylının azəri sözü Stalinin uydurmasıdır fikri sosial şəbəkələrdə və mətbuatda geniş müzakirə olunur. Bu barədə dilçilərimiz, tarixçilərimiz müxtəlif fikirlər səsləndirirlər. Prosesi səbirlə izlədim və söylənilən bütün fikirlərlə tanış oldum. Ancaq təəssüf ki, tarixçilərimiz ümumi ictimai rəyi qəne edəcək heç bir fikir söyləyə bilmədilər, yaxud söyləmədilər. Belə olduqda tarixçi olmadığım üçün hazırkı vəziyyətdə mənim də işimə yarayan “tarixçi olmayan” böyük tarixçi Samuel Kramerin “Tarix o qədər ciddi şeydir ki, onu tarixçilərə tapşırmaq olmaz” fikrini xatırladım və bir daha Krameri rəhmətlə anaraq onun bu fikrinə bəraət verdim. Çünki apardığım müşahidələr və gəldiyim nəticə odur ki, hətta gerçəklik də ondan ibarətdir ki, tarixi öyrənməkdə inqilabi hadisə hesab ediləcək araşdırmalar və tədqiqatlar tarixçilər tərəfindən deyil, qeyri-tarixçilər tərəfindən aparılıbdır. 


Birincisi elə Kramer özü, ikincisi Radlov, Bartold, Baskakov, Qumilyov və s. Bu siyahını istənilən qədər uzatmaq olar. Kramer, Radlov, Bartold, Baskakov şərqşünasdırlar, Qumilyov coğrafiyaçıdır və s. Ancaq tarixi öyrənərkən biz bu böyük şəxsiyyətlərin tədqiqatlarını, əsərlərini ən mötəbər mənbə kimi nəzərdən keçiririk. Xüsusilə türk tarixinin öyrənilməsində bu dahilərin hər birinin çox böyük rolu var. İxtisaslı tarixçilərdən bunları fərqləndirən ən səciyyəvi cəhət isə odur ki, bu böyük alimlər heç vaxt özlərini “akademik” tarixin sərt çərçivəsinə məhkum etməyiblər. “Akademik” tarixin tarixi öyrənmə metodu çox məhduddur. Mütləq dəqiq mənbə, yazılı abidə, arxeoloji tapıntı, numizmatik material və s. axtarır. 


Ancaq təəssüf ki, onları tapanda da etnoqrafik baxımdan düzgün şərh etmirlər. Ən azı bizim tarixçilərin böyük bir qismi belədir. Məsələn, bu yaxınlarda Şəmkir rayonunda tapılan ilkin orta əsrlərə aid şəhərcikdə Sasani dövrünə aid sikkələr tapdıqlarına görə bu şəhərciyi Sasani şəhərciyi kimi şərh etdilər. Onda belə çıxır ki, şərti bir azərbaycanlı Afrikaya gedən zaman özü ilə xeyli miqdarda Azərbaycan manatı apararsa, 1000 il sonra həmin pullar arxeoloqlar tərəfindən aşkarlanarsa, deməli, Afrikanın həmin şəhərciyini Azərbaycan şəhəri elan etmək olar. 


Tarixin atası Heredot deyib ki, tarix qədər subyektiv elm yoxdur. Bu fikrə inansaq, onda elə yazılı mənbələrə də şübhə ilə yanaşa bilərik. Çünki bu yazılar da kiminsə subyektiv mövqeyini ifadə edib. Bütün hallarda demək olar ki, bu, belədir. Ona görə də tarixi öyrənən zaman akademik metodları doqmatik olaraq qəbul etmək olmaz. Burada mütləq məntiq silahından istifadə etmək lazım gəlir. Yəni tarixçinin tarixi məntiqi onun ən böyük silahıdır.Tarixçilərimiz isə əksər hallarda bu effektiv silahdan könüllü şəkildə imtina edirlər. Ona görə də çərçivədən çıxa bilmirlər. Beləliklə, tarix elmimiz qısırlaşır. Kim bilir, bəlkə də, tarixçi olmadığım amma tarix haqqında danışmağıma bəraət qazandırmaq üçün tarixşünaslıqdan bu qədər geniş danışdım. Amma hər halda inandıqlarımı və təsbit etdiklərimi dedim.


İndisə qayıdaq günümüzün əsas mövzusuna. Azəri sözü nədir? Etnik addırmı, Farscamı, yoxsa türkcədirmi? Bu söz söz birləşməsidir, yoxsa, sadəcə, sözdür? Əvvəla onu deyim ki, azəri sözündə farslara aid olan bircə hərf var. Bu “İ” hərfidir. Farslar öz dillərinə farsi, ərəb dilinə ərəbi, türk dilinə də türki deyirlər. Deməli, onda belə çıxır ki, azər dili də var və azər dilinə də azəri deyirlər. Ancaq məsələ bu qədər sadə deyil. Azər dilinin olması üçün, ilk növbədə, Azər xalqı olmalıdır. Bəs belə bir xalq varmı…?! Əlbəttə, var. Gəlin lap başdan başlayaq…


Beləliklə, Azər sözü Az yaxud As etnik adına Ər sifəti əlavə edilməklə yaranıb. Az xalqı Az boyu VI-VII əsrlərdən bəri mənbələrdə qeyd olunur. Ər isə ilkin mərhələdə döyüşçü, savaşçı, sonralar isə kişi mənasında işlənib. Bu gün də öz ilkin mənasını Türkiyə ordusunda saxlayan bu söz sıravi əsgəri, yəni rütbəsi olmayan əsgəri ifadə etmək üçün istifadə edilir. Deməli, Az+Ər Az savaşçısı deməkdir. Yəni Az-Ər xalqı var və o bizik. Və bizə aid olanlara da farslar Azəri deyiblər. İndi isə Azər sözünün və ya AZ+ƏR+BAY+CAN sözünün daha dəqiq izahı üçün daha dəqiqi mənbələrə üz tutaq. Belə mötəbər mənbələrdən birincisi elə Orxon-Yenisey abidələridir. Az+Ər birləşməsinə də ilkin olaraq burada rast gəlirik. 


Bizimlə bağlı qeydlər daha çox Orxon daş yazılarındadır. Ən azı iki yazılı daşda Azlardan bəhs edilir. Bunlardan biri Kül Tigin abidəsidir. Abidənin şimal tərəfində Kül Tiginin Azlarla savaşından bəhs edilir. Qeyd edilir ki, Az bodun yağı boltı yəni Az xalqı yağı oldu, düşmən kəsildi. Daha sonra savaşdan və Az xalqının məğlubiyyətindən söhbət gedir. Qeyd edilir ki, ” Kül Tigin bir kırk yaşayur erti ,Alp Şalçı akın binip oplayu təgdi ,Az eltəbərig tutdı, az bodun anda yok boltı”. Mətndə qeyd edilir ki, bu zaman Kül Tigin 31 yaşında idi. Alp Şalçının ağ atını minib hücum etdi, “Az eltəbərini tutdu, Az xalqı onda yox oldu”. Deməli əgər bu döyüşdə Kül Tigin 31 yaşında olubsa o zaman Kül Tiginin 685-ci ildə doğulduğunu nəzərə almaqla həmin döyüşün tarixini də müəyyənləşdirə bilərik. Bu 716-cı il edəcək. 


Diqqət etdinizsə Azlardan bodın yəni xalq deyə söhbət açırlar. Bodın, bütün kəlməsinin arxaik ifadə formasıdır. Bu gün bütün əvəzinə biz ərəbcə cəmiyyət sözünü işlədirik. Deməli VII əsrdə xalqı, cəmiyyəti ifadə etmək üçün daha səlist türkcəmiz varmış. Az ların özlərinin ayrıca eltəbərinin olması isə o demək idi ki, Azlar Göytük İmperatorluğunda imperiyanı təşkil edən yarım müstəqil subyektlərdən biri olublar. Ona görə də kitabda əvvəlki müttəfiqliyə işarə edərək yazılır ki, Azlar yağı boldu. Yəni bizim bilmədiyimiz hansısa səbəbdən əvvəlcə müttəfiq olan azlar sonradan düşmən oldu. Eltəbərin tutulması onun öldürülməməsi isə o deməkdir ki, başqa cəza ilə cəzalandırılacaq. Az xalqı Eltəbərsiz yəni başçısız qaldığı üçün “yox oldı” yəni artıq xüsusi subyekt hüququ əlindən alındı, statussuz olaraq İmperiyaya qarışdı. 


Amma başqa mənbələrdən biz bilirik ki, bu hadisədən sonra Azlar və Quzlar (yəni biz və Anadolu türkləri) ya da onların böyük bir hissəsi Göytürk İmperatorluğundan ayrılaraq Qərbə doğru hərəkət edirlər. İrəlidə bunu təsdiq edən fikirlər söyləyəcəyik.Yaxşı axı mən dedim ki, Azər birləşməsinə də ilkin olaraq Orxon abidələrində rast gəlinir. Bəs, o hansı daşda yazılıb? Bunun üçün gəlin bərabər Tonyukuk abidəsini oxuyaq. 




Tonyukukun dilindən təqribən belə bir hadisə nəql edilir ki, Tabgac Xaqanı (Çin Xaqanı) qırğızlar və oğuzlar vasitəsilə üsyan hazırlayırmış o, bundan xəbər tutur. Ancaq xəbəri bir az ərindən alır. “Çölgi az əzig bultım” “Özüm Az yirim.. anı bilim ..ermış” yəni “çöllü azlardan bir ər tapdım. ,,Özüm Azyerim.. onu.. bilm imiş”. Yəni özüm Azyer olduğum üçün onu tanıyırdım, bilirdim .Düşünürəm ki, elə buradaca məsələni uzatmadan Tonyukukun “özüm Az yerim” sözünə diqqət yetirməliyik. Böyük vəzir deyir ki, mən özüm Az yerim yəni Azəryəm Az-əri-yəm, yəni bugünkü tələffuz formasıyla desək Azəriyəm deyir. Biz bu daşların harayını niyə eşitməzdən gəlməliyik ki?! Tonyukuk qışqırır ki, mən Az-Əri-Yəm. Az xalqının döyüşçü oğluyam. 



Bilmirəm bu izahat kifayətdirmi ki, Azər adını qəbul edək ya da heç olmasa Stalinlə Farslarla bağlı olmadığına inanaq. Amma məncə ortaq fikir belə ola bilər ki, Quzlar, Hunlar, Saklar, Skiflər, Qıpcaqlar, Kimmerlər, Subarlar və sairə kimi Azlar da türk boyudur, türk xalqıdır. Ona görə də burada mübahisə etməli heç nə yoxdur. Deyək ki, bunu qəbul etdik. O zaman belə bir sual ortaya çıxa bilər, yaxşı bəs Azərbaycan nə deməkdir. İstəyirsiniz ona da qısaca cavab verək. 


Məsələ ondadır ki, qədim zamanda hər türk boyunun öz yurdu vardı. Bir növ bizim indiki rayonlarımızın inzibati-siyasi ərazisini xatırladırdı. Göytürk İmperiyasının tərkibində qurucu ünsür kimi yaşayan azərlərin də yaşadığı coğrafiya Yenisey çayının Qərbi, Alaş çayı və Bay-Tayqa ətrafında idi. Ona görə də həmin coğrafiyada yaşayan Azərlər digər ərazilərdə yaşayan Azərlərdən fərqlənmək üçün özlərini Az+Ər+Bay+Tayqa adlandırırdılar. Yəni Bay-Tayqada yaşayan azərlər təqribən indi dediyimiz kimi, Anadolu türkü, Azərbaycan türkü kimi bir tanıtım vasitəsi idi. Azərlər Şumerdən başlamış altaylara qədər olan geniş bir ərazidə yaşadıqları üçün onlara bəzən müxtəlif adlar verilirdi. Bu zaman məskun olduqları coğrafi ərazi də nəzərə alınmaqla fərqli ifadə formaları ortaya çıxırdı. Ona görə də təqribən həmin əsrlərdə ərəblər də Az+Ər+Bay+Tayqanı Adurbadaqan yazırdılar. Və Adurbadaqandan haqlı olaraq bir türk ölkəsi kimi bəhs edirdilər. Nəzərə alsaq ki, ərəbcədə d – dz kimi tələffüz edilir Ramadan-Ramazan sözlərindəki kimi d-nın z-ya çevrilməsi baş verir. Deməli, əminliklə söyləyə bilərik ki, Adurbadaqanı elə Azurbazaqan və nəhayət, Azərbaycan kimi oxumalıyıq. Ancaq əlbəttə, sözün özü etnotoponimdir və Az etnik kökündən yaranıb. Az+Ər+Bay+Tayqan.


İlber Ortaylıya və onun şərhinə gəldikdə isə, mən bu böyük tarixçini zərrə qədər də qınamıram. Çünki biz tariximizi və adımızın mənasını bilmədiyimizə görə onu qəbul etmək istəmirik. Azəri adına etiraz edirik. İlber Ortaylı da bizim könlümüzü şad eləmək üçün deyir Azəri sözü Stalinin uydurmasıdır. Ancaq unutmaq olmaz ki, tarixi yaddaş milli yaddaşın ən başlıca komponentidir. Tariximizi öyrənib ona sahib çıxsaq daha güclü millət ola bilərik. Bunun üçün də tariximizi öyrənməyin yeni konsepsiyasını müəyyənləşdirməliyik. Bu zərurətin nə qədər aktual olduğunu bilən Ulu öndər Heydər Əliyev hələ 1996-cı ildə tarixçilər qarşısında məsələ qaldırdı ki, Azərbaycan tarixi yenidən yazılmalıdır. Yazıldımı…?! Bilmirəm. 


Əgər tariximizi yenidən yazsaq öyrənəcəyik ki, nəyə görə İbrahim Peyğəmbərin atasının adı Azər idi. Nəyə görə Sümər, Subar, Sibir sözləri bu qədər oxşardır və yaxud eyni sözlərdir. Sadəcə tarixçilər onu qəsdən fərqli oxuyub, fərqli yazırlar. Öyrənəcəyik ki, nəyə görə İlber Ortaylı da daxil olmaqla bütün türk tarixçiləri tariximizi Altaysentrzim nəzəriyyəsi əsasında öyrənir, niyə bundan imtina etmirik? 


Öyrənsək görəcəyik ki, Anadoluda türkcə yazılar miladdan öncə XXII-XVII əsrlərə gedib çıxdığı halda niyə Anadoluda Türk varlığını 1071-dən başlayırıq. Öyrənsək görəcəyik ki, Ərməniyyə haradı və nə deməkdi və s. Əziz dostlar, mən bəzi əsərlərimdə və məqalələrimdə bu məsələlərin bir qisminə toxunmuşam. Ancaq tariximizin öyrənilməsi elə bərbad vəziyyətdədir ki, onu xüsusi konsepsiya ilə sistemli şəkildə öyrənməsək ciddi elmi nəticələr əldə edə bilməyəcəyik. Bəlkə hələ gec deyil… Gəlin başlayaq…!


Hikmet Babaoğlu







ilgili:





20 Temmuz 2017 Perşembe

Genocide by Harry Scott Gibbons




CLEARLY THAT GREECE AND THE GREEK CYPRIOTS 
INTENDED TO WIPE OUT THE TURKISH CYPRIOTS






GENOCIDE by HARRY SCOTT GIBBONS*


For several years following the publication of my book, The Genocide Files, I have been repeatedly asked for my opinion on how the Cyprus problem can be solved, meaning: ‘What was the future of Northern Cyprus?’

Until now, I have always answered along these lines:

The Cyprus problem was solved in July 1974, when the Turkish Armed Forces intervened in the vicious civil war that followed a covert Greek invasion and an Athens inspired and led coup that deposed the president. This intervention - which was legal under the terms of the Treaty of Guarantee, which is firmly embedded in the Cyprus Constitution - brought the civil war to an end, overturned the coup and thus forestalled enosis (union with Greece), which the coup leaders later said they intended to declare and which was another act specifically forbidden under the Constitution.

I have then been asked why, after the separation of the two races led in 1983 to the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, no country except Turkey recognised the validity of the new country. I have always replied that it would be only a matter of time. There was, I said, a de facto recognition; Northern Cyprus was a reality, not simply a dream like enosis was for the Greeks.

It had a democratically elected president, government and parliament and there had been no ‘inter-communal fighting’, as the Greeks always described their attacks on the Turks, since the 1974 intervention. And one day, I said, the de jure recognition would surely come without the need for any drastic change in the workings of this independent, quiet and peaceful little country.

But recent events have made me amend this viewpoint. I do believe now that Turkey and Northern Cyprus must bring about some drastic change or changes if this Turkish safe haven is to survive. But I must go into the past to show how I have altered my view. A side effect of the intervention was to allow the return to power of the legally elected president, Archbishop Makarios. I do not believe the archbishop ever thanked Turkey for this munificence, instead demanding till the day of his death the expulsion of the Turkish Cypriots from the safe haven the intervention had given them, perhaps extending the maxim, ‘Beware of Greeks bearing gifts’ to ‘Beware also of bestowing gifts on Greeks’.

The intervention gave Turkish Cypriots the northern third of the island and an exchange of populations, that the Greek Cypriots agreed to, confirmed the acceptance of the existence of two distinct entities - each inhabited by its own race and each with its own religion and language. It was a de facto ethnic safe haven for the Turks of Cyprus.

But hardly had the ink dried on this agreement - signed on the Greek side by the present President of Greek Cyprus, Glafcos Clerides - than the Greek Cypriots showed once again that they will not abide by any agreement that does not suit their plans for their own future.

When Makarios, the spearhead of the terrorist organisation EOKA, which had for years murdered Britons, Turks and Greeks alike in its ambition to end Britain’s colonial occupation and unite the island with Greece, signed up to a constitution for the establishment of a new Cyprus republic, he agreed to give up for ever his single-minded quest for enosis.

But, as soon as the republic was born in 1960, the Greeks began calling for the constitution’s amendment, with the specific purpose of declaring the forbidden enosis. Unfortunately for this plan, the Turkish Cypriots had been given specific safeguards that would ensure their equality with the Greeks and remove all physical threats to their survival (threats which enosis would certainly impose). Among these safeguards was the power of the veto invested in the Turks. Therefore, in Greek eyes, the Constitution simply had to go.

During the night of 20-21 December 1963, the Greeks launched a series of attacks on Turks throughout the Nicosia area. The combined forces of uniformed Greek Cypriot police and civilian EOKA gunmen began systematically to murder Turks and arrest and disarm Turkish policemen. At the same time, the Greek Cypriots took complete control of the Cyprus government information organisation and announced that the ‘legal’ authorities were putting down a Turkish uprising.

Within days, Turkish civil servants throughout the island had been ousted from their positions and Greeks now ran the entire governmental administration. Armed EOKA thugs physically prevented the vice-president, a Turk, Dr Fazõl Küçük, from entering his office. But, at ground level, the Greek actions seemed so haphazard that although it quickly became obvious the attack on the Turks was premeditated, the extent of the planning was not fully discovered until April 1966, when a Greek Cypriot newspaper, Patris, gave details of what has become known as the Akritas Plan. This was the first exercise in ethnic cleansing - racial extermination or genocide, as I prefer to call it - the Makarios government undertook.

The object of this ethnic cleansing, as the Akritas Plan explained, was to prepare for the amendment of the Constitution in such a way as to allow the government to legally - in its eyes at least - unite the island with Greece, the Greek Cypriot ‘Motherland’. In the plan, there were details given on how to provoke the Turks into taking up arms against the government so that the ‘legal’ forces of the state could be empowered to crush what would be called a Turkish revolt, expel all Turks from the police and every other government institution, seal off the Turkish population in enclaves throughout the island, and pronounce a fait accompli before Christmas 1963. The Akritas Plan envisaged that the Western world would be too preoccupied with Christmas festivities to interfere in time to prevent enosis. Further, not only would the speed of events take Turkey by surprise, but Turkey would also be unable to call a meeting of the two other Guarantor Powers, Britain and Greece, who together were pledged to keep Cyprus independent, in time to prevent the island’s union with Greece. 

Patris claimed that Makarios had personally organised the entire scheme and had made the military preparations himself. The paper wrote, “Makarios entrusted Yorgadjis [Polycarpos Yorgadjis, former EOKA gunman and now Minister of the Interior] who took the code name of Akritas, with the task of establishing the organisation. The Minister of Labour, Tassos Papadopoulos, was appointed deputy chief of the organisation, and Glafcos Clerides [then Speaker of the 50-member Cyprus parliament] became the Chief of Operations.” Clerides is now, of course, President of the Greek South Cyprus and recognised by the world as the president of the whole island.

What became known as the Christmas War or, in the Turkish version, Bloody Christmas, was actually the Akritas Plan for genocide. There was bloody slaughter of the Turks and the Greeks also paid a terrible penalty in deaths and injuries when the Turkish fighters hit back, but the Greeks’ aim, enosis, was not realised.

I believe I had a part in wrecking this plan. I was based in Cyprus at that time as the Middle East correspondent of the London Daily Express and had arrived back from an assignment in Africa the day before the shooting began. In fact, I was having dinner in a Nicosia restaurant and heard the first shots ring out.

I sent a report on this to my newspaper and gave more details the following day. The result was that the foreign press poured in, swamping the cable office and telephone lines with reports of Greek atrocities. The success of the Akritas Plan was based on suffocating all Turkish protest and keeping the operation as secret as possible while enosis was arranged. Now the whole world knew what was going on and, while the fierce fighting continued, the element of surprise had been lost. Christmas came and went, by which time the three Guarantor Powers had become involved, as had the United Nations, and enosis was not achieved.

But, as I said, the Akritas Plan for Genocide, was not known for years. In the interval, the now famous Green Line was drawn across the capital city, Nicosia, to protect the Turkish quarter, a United Nations peace force arrived, Makarios received a slap on the wrist and was told to behave himself and the world’s press left. I was sent to Istanbul for a year, after which I quit newspaper work for a time to write a book on the ongoing war in the Yemen.

The bloodshed continued on the island for 11 years after that Christmas, but the world had now lost interest. Those 11 years were hell on earth for the Turkish Cypriots, starved, hounded from pillar to post by the now all-Greek authorities, and pursued by the emergent Greek Cypriot National Guard led by mainland Greek officers. And, where they had owned 35 percent of the land, mostly the best agricultural acreage, they were now squeezed into three percent of it, spread across the island in tiny enclaves.

The Greeks of Cyprus had attempted genocide against their fellow citizens, the Turks, and had failed. 11 years later, they tried again.

The Cyprus Turks were still in bondage, deprived of their human rights, surviving on handouts from the Turkish government, their lives with no apparent future. Makarios, meanwhile, had quarrelled with the Greek generals’ new junta, which had replaced the Colonels’ junta that had ruled Greece from 1967 to 1973. The result of this was that, while Makarios, Clerides, et al. were preparing the second, definitive, Final Solution of the Turkish Problem, namely another genocide offensive, the Athens junta led by General Dimitrios Ioannides was preparing to solve its Makarios Problem.

The second genocide attempt, as it was later revealed, was due to begin some time after 10 July 1974, the actual date not specified. Athens was totally involved in this plan as documents captured later were to prove, but the contentious attitude of Makarios apparently made them decide to take over and execute it themselves. The result, as I wrote in my book, was in Makarios and General Ioannides seeking to best each other in deviousness, ending with a plot, not from within, but hastily slammed on top of another plot, a Byzantine cocktail with a squeeze of Machiavelli, a recipe for a brutal, gory debacle.
On 15 July 1974, the Greek Cypriot National Guard and an army of Greek mainland troops, who had been smuggled in without the knowledge of Makarios, staged a successful coup in Nicosia. Blowing up the presidential palace outside the city walls, the death of Makarios was announced and a new president, the EOKA killer, Nicos Sampson, a long-time friend of General Ioannides, was installed. Sampson immediately attempted to allay any fears the Cyprus Turks may have (with good reason) been entertaining, promising they would be unharmed. I wondered about this at the time, unaware that the plan for their extermination was based, like the 1963 version, on secrecy.

But, Makarios had not died in his palace. He escaped unscathed, managed to make a radio broadcast calling on his supporters to oust his usurpers and the civil war began. Not only had the military coup breached the Constitution, but all over the country Greeks were killing Greeks, and the slaughter begun to include innocent Turkish families fleeing to safety.

After five days, during which some 2000 uniformed and civilian Greeks died, the Turkish armed forces intervened. The landings and their success have been fully recorded elsewhere - including in my book - but here I want to expose the true facts of the second act of genocide.

With the Turkish army on the north of the island was a Greek-speaking liaison officer, Turkish Cypriot fighter Erol Fehim. As his unit moved west of Kyrenia, they came across several hastily abandoned Greek army camps. In the camps they found documents, signed and stamped by the military, giving complete instructions for the obliteration of the Turkish Cypriot population. When Erol Fehim read them, he found he was holding in his hands a plan code named Iphestos [Volcano] 1974.


THESE WERE THE GENOCIDE FILES.

Erol Fehim has translated some of them for me, and I found them horrifying. They detail the enclaves and villages to be ‘cleansed’. Even the sleepy little village of Templos, now Zeytinlik, where, in the sanctuary of Ottoman House, I wrote the Genocide Files and studied these documents, was to be wiped out.

Every detail of the extermination plans is revealed, the villages to be wiped out with their inhabitants, the units assigned to specific areas and tasks, and even where to bury the Turkish corpses, it is all there. It is frightening reading, and perhaps the most frightening thing of all is the revelation that the Greek Cypriot civilian population was to be organised and brainwashed into joining in the slaughter.

The Genocide Files that I have had translated are only a small part of the mass of instructions sent out to the Greek Cypriot National Guard during the months leading up to the Greek coup d’état. But, these particular ones deal with the area where they were captured, from Kyrenia, north of Nicosia, to Morphou Bay, in the north-west of the island.

After reading them, it becomes apparent that Greek Cypriot assertions that the coup had nothing to do with the Turkish Cypriots were ludicrous. In view of the FACT that these files show CLEARLY THAT GREECE AND THE GREEK CYPRIOTS INTENDED TO WIPE OUT THE TURKISH CYPRIOTS, their protestations - kept up to this day - that no harm was intended to the Turks must be one of the most monstrous, pitiless, callous, cynical lies I have ever come across.

Only in the Serb-Bosnia conflict 20 years later is there a comparison. When Serb shells were fired deliberately into crowded Moslem market places and other busy centres, even a cemetery where a funeral was taking place, blowing innocent civilians to pieces, the Serb propaganda machine immediately claimed the Bosnian Moslems had fired the shots, murdering their own people to gain sympathy from the rest of the world!

How do humans become like this? Was God looking the other way when these people were created?

Those involved, or to be involved, in the extermination plans are detailed in the document with the File number 216/5/296, dated 7 March 1974. It was issued by the National Guard’s 3rd High Military Tactical Command in Nicosia and signed by its commander, Mikhael Georgitses.

The plans stated clearly that the Greek Cypriot population was to be “organised” to assist the Greek Cypriot National Guard in “cleansing” designated villages of their Turkish inhabitants. Greek women and children were to be kept in their homes, but should they decide to flee any consequent fighting, the Greek Cypriot Ministries of Interior, Defence and Labour were made responsible for providing shelter, food and other necessities for them. The Ministry of Health was to take care of their physical well being.


So the ENTIRE GREEK CYPRIOT POPULATION WAS TO BE MOBILISED TO TAKE PART IN GENOCIDE, THE MURDER OF TURKS, THEIR FELLOW CITIZENS FOR OVER 400 YEARS, THROUGHOUT THE WHOLE ISLAND.


Iphestos 1974 was described as an Internal Security (SEA) operation. It was not being done in the guise of warding off an attack by Turkey. In fact, Turkey was not mentioned. This was to be purely an internal affair, the business of no outside party, something between Cypriots alone. The Greek Cypriots would kill; the Turkish Cypriots would die. As simple as that.
Commander Haralambos Hios of the National Guard had sent his orders to the following units: the 256th and 276th Infantry Battalions, the 222nd, 261st, 306th, 316th, 321st, 366th and 391st Reserve Battalions, the 183rd Field Artillery Battalion, the 173rd and 190th Anti-tank Artillery Battalions, the 47th Communications Company and other reserve forces.

These in turn passed on their instructions to the units under their command, giving the names of the Turkish areas to be ‘cleansed’.

A typical example is the instruction, File No. 210/11/61, sent out on 12 June 1974 by the 256th Infantry Battalion from its headquarters at Dhiorios (now Tepebaşõ) near Myrtou (Çamlõbel), some 17 miles west of Kyrenia.

The introduction to the order is more or less identical in all the other orders sent out. “The initiative to begin the operations is undertaken by the General Staff of the National Guard (GEEF) with the approval of the Cyprus Government and the Headquarters of the AED [Greek mainland Armed Forces].”

Right from the start, the genocide operation was shown to be a joint one with the military High Command in Athens. It may have been called Internal Security but it was plainly masterminded by and with a lot of help from Greece.

The entire genocide programme was to be carried out “with the approval of the Cyprus Government....”

At that time, 1974, the Cyprus government was of course, all-Greek, and was therefore illegal under the terms of the 1960 Constitution. But, illegal or not, it was the recognised government of the island. So, this government, recognised by the United Nations and the whole world, had given its approval to the ‘cleansing’ of a fifth of its people.

Under the headline ‘Mission’, the directive explained:

“Part of the mission is to prepare the Greek Cypriot population psychologically and to organise them and the police for their wider participation in the cleansing of the Turkish Cypriot enclaves and pockets, using every means available (weapons etc). These are to be used by each Company as necessary or as needed for each operation.”

The language and style are typically stilted military, but the meaning is brutally clear.

“Attack at night, silently, without using lights, as quickly as possible, for the cleansing of the Lefka [Lefke] enclave and the pockets of Ayia Irini [now Akdeniz], Kazivera [Gaziveren], Elia [Doğancõ] and Angolemi [Taşpõnar].”

These villages spread in a line from Lefke, just south of Soli, to Myrtou, covering the rich farmlands along the south and east of Morphou Bay (now Güzelyurt Bay).

Lefke, with a population of around 4,000, has been a Turkish stronghold since 1570, 200 years before the United States of America was created. It lies between Morphou Bay and the arid northern foothills of the Troodos mountains. Its citrus orchards and date palm groves have been famous for centuries. Two perennial rivers ran for centuries from the Troodos through the Lefke plain to the bay. In the past few years, however, Greek South Cyprus has interrupted much of this flow by means of dams. Nevertheless, Lefke still has enough water to be able to send supplies by truck tankers to drought-hit areas as distant as Famagusta on the east coast.

Lefke would have been a rich spoil of war after its cleansing.

And preparations were to be made immediately “to cut off the electricity supply to the Lefke area from the sub-station at Peristeronari, the responsibility of the 2nd Company of the 356th Battalion, when the plan commences.” Peristeronari (now Cengizköy) near Lefke, is not to be confused with Peristerona, a Greek town south of Morphou. Another file, 210/14/4034 dated March 31 and issued by the headquarters of the National Guard in Morphou, dealt with this town. It gave instructions to “keep under observation the pocket of Peristerona, with full preparation to participate in the cleansing of same.”

The specific units to be used to attack the various Turkish towns were named. For example, the 391st Reserve Infantry Battalion would destroy Ambelikou (Bağlõköy). Then Lefke, Kokkina (Erenköy) and Limnitis (Yeşilõrmak) were to be wiped out with artillery supporting fire. The 261st Battalion would clean up Xerovounos (Kurutepe).

Water supplies were to be cut off to Lefke by the 1st Company of the 356th, by the 2nd Company in Kazivera, Elia, Angolemi and Kalo Chorio (Çamlõköy), and by the 3rd Company in Ayia Irini.

The Turks of the Kyrenia area were not to be neglected. The File 210/12/76 was issued by the 3rd High Military Command in Kyrenia on 18 April 1974. The campaign would start, it stated, with the cleansing of Templos (Zeytinlik), at the western edge of Kyrenia, by the 251st Infantry Battalion. This force would also wipe out the Turkish quarter of Kyrenia, leaving that important north seaport entirely in Greek hands.

Then the National Guard, the police and the Greek Cypriot civilian population would move over the Kyrenia Pass to Aghirda, on the southern slopes of towering St Hilarion, on to Krini (Põnarbaşõ) and finally Photta (Dağyolu), all just west of the main Nicosia-Kyrenia road, thus isolating the fighters on Hilarion and putting the Turkish lifeline to Kyrenia at the mercy of Greek artillery and mortars.

The plans for genocide tried to leave nothing to chance. While it was mentioned in the files that it was unlikely the United Nations Peace Force would intervene - it was a pretty safe assumption, the UN soldiers having kept as much as possible out of the way of the Greeks for years - the plans called for UN uniforms to be used to fool their intended Turkish victims.
Under ‘Instructions for Co-ordination’, the 18 April File directed:

“The 2nd and 3rd Bureaux [Intelligence and Operations] of Tactical Group Command should prepare themselves for the implementation of this plan in order to carry out activities such as wearing [UN] Peace Force uniforms and vehicles, cutting off water supplies, electricity and telephone lines...”

In 1964, when the UN Peace Force was established, EOKA gunmen used crude replicas of UN equipment, painting their helmets blue and wearing blue armbands to penetrate Turkish areas.

The 7 March File also described how Turkish bodies “would be buried in the vicinity of Turkish Cypriot graveyards.” I can only speculate that this would be done to somehow give the impression that they had died natural deaths and their burials had nothing to do with genocide.

A great amount of planning had gone into preparing the Greek Cypriot civilian population to take part in the massacres. The 31 March File from Morphou demanded: “people and organisations should be psychologically prepared in order to ensure their participation in the struggle and operations of cleansing the Turkish regions.”

This brainwashing was assigned to the 1st (Personnel), 2nd and 3rd Bureaux of the Tactical Group Command. Then each military unit was expected to prepare the civilians in its own area to “co-operate fully” with the armed forces.

Apparently, Greek Cypriots were deemed incapable of civilian psychological preparation and organisation on such a large scale, and these duties were given to the officers of the Greek army contingent and the Greek officers in the National Guard. From the Files, it appears that every National Guard unit was by this time under the command of a mainland Greek or had at least one or more mainland Greek officers with it.

The 12 June File from Dhiorios decreed that prior notice of attack was to be given to civilians and “necessary contacts” established. The population would then, alongside the military and police forces, cleanse the Turkish villages.

While this was going on, plans were also made to supply the National Guard, if necessary, by air. As the Guard had no airborne supply facilities, I am assuming the Greek Air Force would have carried this out.

Attached to the 7 March 1974 File was a map of Cyprus to the scale of 1:100,000 and maps to the scale of 1:50,000 for both Turkish and Greek sectors of Nicosia, Lapithos (now Lapta) and Ayia Irini. Maps were also issued for two other areas. One was for Paleometokho, a largish town just west of Nicosia airport, the other for Lefkonikon (Geçitkale), a town in the centre of a group of Turkish villages in the Mesarya plain between Nicosia and Famagusta Bay.

And although I have no captured files or maps covering the rest of the country, later events prove that it was the intention to cleanse the whole island of Turks, and I am forced to conclude that Genocide Files were prepared and issued for all Cyprus.
Paratroopers, presumably to be part of any airdrop, had been secretly trained in Greece. Genocide File 330/7/25507 - dated 13 February 1974 and issued in Nicosia under the signature of Constantinos Kombokis, commander of the Cyprus Commando Forces, to the 31st, 32nd and 33rd Commando Units - gave the names of the first officers selected.

The training in Greece of officers to command units had also taken place. File 330/110/43287, dated 7 August 1973, named the Greek Cypriot officers to attend the Halkidos Infantry School in Greece.

The three-month course was from 10 September to 15 December 1973. The chosen men sailed from Limassol on the A/B Kipros at 16:00 hours on 5 September. They wore civilian clothes. They were also issued with identity cards with their photos in civilian clothes.

There were 33 names on the list, given under the signature of National Guard staff officer Pavlos Papadakis. One name had been crossed out. Commando training also took place in Cyprus.

Revised orders kept pouring out, perhaps because of the changing political situation. Then Commander Haralambos Hios began making his final preparations and advising the units under his command.

On 31 May 1974, File 210/75/3057 made certain alterations in the genocide plans and Hios told his units to complete their preparations by June 10.

On 3 July, Hios sent out what was apparently his last order before the onslaught was to commence. In File 210/109/2176, he gave the final changes in this ‘Top Secret’ order.

“The units will work out the necessary modifications in the plans concerning their own sections of the operations and return them to me by July 10, 1974.”

So, it appeared that the plans in the Genocide Files would be put into operation some time after 10 July. What had been tried unsuccessfully in 1963, 1964 and 1967 would be attempted once more.

But this time it would be different. This was not to be the haphazard killing spree of the Akritas Plan, with so much study given to thwarting foreign criticism, masterminded by the unholy trinity of Makarios, Yorgadjis and Clerides, with armed civilians charging this way, that way and every which way, a massacre here, a slaughter there.

This time it was the Iphestos 1974 plan. It had been carefully plotted, meticulously worked out, with the sort of care that had gone into the Normandy landings in 1944, if you like. The moon landings, even. There were plans, hundreds of plans, and thousands of typewritten pages and maps, gone over and corrected, and altered and changed. Every command headquarters, every unit, every man knew exactly what to do.

And there would be no need to worry about foreign opinion, for it would be over swiftly, with a speed that would catch the world unawares. It would be all over before Turkey could get an invasion fleet on the move.

This time the army would be in charge, the National Guard with its mainland Greek officers and the mainland Greek contingent. And hundreds more Greek officers clandestinely flown in to urge on the great mob of civilians and police who would help in the 1974 Cyprus Rites of Genocide. And it would all be run from Athens, the capital of the Mother Country, Greece. This was the brainchild of General Dimitrios Ioannides, the strongman, who needed the conquest of Cyprus to consolidate his rule, to be hailed by his disenchanted people as the man who gave Greece the first stepping stone to a new Hellenic Empire.

For Cyprus, it would be the Final Solution.

But it was not to be. Greece and the Greeks were to be denied their twin ambitions - the annihilation of the Cyprus Turks and enosis. For, despite the furious protests of Britain, the United States and, of course Greece, in the five days of civil war on the island, Turkey managed the incredible feat of planning, organising and carrying out the successful sea and air landings that gave the persecuted Turks their own country.

It should have been the Turkish version of the Final Solution. But the new factor of the European Union and its expansionist aggression frightens me. The way I see it now is that the Greek Cypriots and their Greek mainland allies - or masters, perhaps - having failed twice to remove the Turks from Cyprus, see the Union as a way to succeed with genocide by stealth.

The Union will allow the whole island of Cyprus, before the north and south situation is solved, into the Union with assurances to Turkey that she will follow as soon as possible - but no signed guarantee, of course. Once inside the union and with Turkey still outside, the Europeans can demand the withdrawal of the Turkish forces from the island on the grounds that it is now an alien force inside the Union, invaders no less, and must go.

As soon as that happens, we know - from the experiences of the past - just what will happen to the Turks of the Turkish Republic of North Cyprus. The Greeks will take homes and land whether or not they were ever Greek-owned, the Turks will become officially a minority, as promised by the Greeks, and settled in “social housing”, as promised by Glafcos Clerides himself. And that will be the beginning of the end for the Turks. And there will be shots fired, make no mistake about that, and there will be killings, just as there have been ever since the Greeks have wanted the Turks out of Cyprus. Few would ever reach the Promised Land of social housing, the Arbeit Macht Frei of the Third Reich that sent millions of Jews to death, and the bulldozers may once again be sealing ubiquitous mass graves that are the mark of the Greek Cypriot.

This scenario may never happen, but I fear it could because the protection of Turkey will cease if there is a unilateral entry to the EU by Cyprus. President Rauf Denktaş points out that Glafcos Clerides stated this when he declared, “When we enter the EU, Turkey’s guarantor status will cease to exist.”

And, says President Denktaş, “He is speaking the truth. Once EU membership is accomplished, whatever we have discussed with the Greeks so far - bi-zonality, communality, restrictions of freedoms of travel, settlement and owning property - will all contradict EU laws.”

Therefore, another solution to bear in mind is some kind of federation with Turkey, should it be necessary to beat the European Union to the punch. Britain already has this kind of federation with Northern Ireland. The United Kingdom is composed of Great Britain (itself composed of Scotland, England and Wales) and Northern Ireland. There is a sea between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. There is one between Turkey and North Cyprus. Northern Ireland is the north part of the island called Ireland. North Cyprus is the north part of the island of Cyprus.

The whole could be called the UR - the United Republic of Turkey and North Cyprus. Perhaps even the United Republics of Turkey, North Cyprus and other Turkic states that have emerged since the end of the Cold War. But if the whole of Cyprus enters the European Union without the simultaneous entry of Turkey, I feel sure enosis will swiftly take place, and Turkey will be surrounded by Greek sovereign territory. And that is a scenario for war.

The Turks of Cyprus may find themselves all too soon in a dilemma - unite with Greece and become a despised and persecuted minority or unite with Turkey and remain free.


Harry Scott Gibbons, 2001
* Harry Scott Gibbons is a journalist. He served in the Middle East, Cyprus, Turkey, Greece and the United States and is the author of the book The Genocide Files, published by Charles Bravos, London, 1997.
PERCEPTIONS, JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS,September - November 2001 Vol. VI Num. 3



* * *



THE GENOCIDE FILES by  H.SCOTT GIBBONS, 1997

WHAT DOES CHRISTMAS MEAN TO YOU , A TIME OF GOODWILL TO ALL MEN, A TIME TO SPEND 
WITH YOUR FAMILY AND A JOYFULL TIME FOR ALL CHILDREN THIS IS WHAT CHRISTMAS MEANT TO ME . 
UNTILL CHRISTMAS 1963 IN CYPRUS. 


"GENOCIDE FILES" 

On Christmas Eve, 1963, there were 120 Turks living in the mixed hamlet of Ayios Vasiliosstraddling the road between Nicosia and Myrtou in the Northwest. Some time that evening, cars and trucks drove into the village From the direction of Nicosia. Armed men poured out of the Vehicles. They had a brief discussion at the coffee shop at one end Of the village, then they moved purposefully towards the Turkish Quarter. Shots rang out, rifle butts smashed against locked doors, people Were dragged into the streets.

A 70-yr-old Turk was awakened by the sounds of his front door Splintering. Tottering out of his bedroom, he found several young Armed men inside the house. "Have you any children," they asked. Bewildered, he replied, "Yes." "Send them outside," he was ordered. His two sons, 19 and 17 years old, and his granddaughter, aged 10 hastily dressed and followed the gunmen outside. 

They were lined up outside the cottage wall. The gunmen, Without another word, coolly machine-gunned them to death. In another house, a 13-yr-old boy had his hands tied behind his Knees and was thrown on the floor. While the house was being Ransacked, his captors kicked and abused him. Then a pistol was Placed at the back of his head and he was shot. 

Altogether, 12 Turks were massacred that evening in Ayios Vasilios. The others were rounded up and kicked and punched along the Highway to Skylloura, a few miles further in the direction of Myrtou, to seek refuge with Turks there. In night attire and bare Feet, they stumbled along in the cold, the Greeks shooting after Them in the darkness. Then the gunmen turned their attention to the Turkish houses. They looted and destroyed and finally, exhausted, they set the Houses on fire. 

The Greek inhabitants of the village, roused by the Noise, stood watching the orgy of destruction. 

None protested. After the gunmen had gone, they rushed to the Turkish houses And began to loot the remaining possessions of their neighbours Before the flames took too firm a hold. In isolated farmhouses in the same region, nine more Turks Were murdered. 

When the Turks of Skylloura saw the flames of Ayios Vasilios, They sent their women and children across the fields to Phota and Krini in the north. As the Vasilios refugees arrived, they too were taken north. By Midnight, Skylloura was also evacuated. Left behind were the Turkish houses, their possessions and their Greek neighbours. The Long, ragged lines plodded wearily north, seeking safety, sanctuary, Respite from this terrifying savagery that had descended on them, Stumbling along in the darkness of the cruel, cold, Christmas morn. 

At the same time, over 150 armed Greeks descended on the Turkish Suburb of Kumsal, Northwest of the Nicosia walls near the Turkish village of Ortakoy which straddled the road to Kyrenia. That evening, Hasan Yusuf Gudum, an elderly Turkish Landlord was visiting one of his clients in Kumsal.With him was his wife, Ferideh, his neighbour Mrs. Ayshe Mora with her one-year-old daughter, Ishin, and her married sister, Novber. 

They were paying a call on the family of Major Nihat Ilhan, the Chief medical officer with the mainland Turkish army contingent. The major was on duty that "night with his unit. His wife, Muruvvet, was with their three children, Murat, Kutsi and Hakan, aged seven Four and six months. The nine were having supper in the dining room when one of the Greek private armies, augmented by workers from the Severis flour Mill whom had - willingly or under coercion - joined their ranks, Crossed the dry Pedieos riverbed. The conversation around the dining table cut off abruptly when Bullets began to spatter the outside walls, sounding like heavy rain. 

The group rose hurriedly, the women dragging the children and Gudum ushered them to the back part of the house.They all, four women", four children and Bathroom and closed the door. The landlord's wife suddenly Changed her mind, left the Bathroom and went into the separate toilet where she locked herself. 

Mrs. Ilhan, the major's wife, stepped into the bath, and holding Her baby stood facing the door, her other two children clinging onto her legs. 

The two other Woman and Cudum crawled terrified into the Corners beside the door. Mrs. Ayshe Mora held her baby close. There was a crash as the front door burst open and a continuous roar as machine-gun bullets Spewed through the house. Footsteps came to the locked bathroom, an unknown hand Impatiently rattled the knob, and a voice called in Greek, ` "How would you like Enosis" 

Then a hail of bullets tore through the wood and Mrs. llhall and Her children, caught directly in its path, were lifted off their feet and Dumped on to the bottom of the bath. The killers smashed the door lock and jumped inside. One of The major's children moaned and was scolded into permanent Silence by a short peremptory burst. Then the raiders saw the others Huddled on the floor. 

They played their guns on them like impatient Children forced to water the garden flowers. The three Turks were All wounded some seriously. A bullet struck the foot of the baby Ishin. The locked door of the toilet drew the gunmen's attention to The landlord's wife. The door was beaten in by machine-gun butts And the woman was dragged out whimpering. A pistol was placed To her head, one shot was fired, and she slumped to the floor, dead. 

The killers whooping and jeering, charged through the house, Machine-gunning cupboards, smashing furniture, slipping and Sliding on the dark red blood that crept out of the bathroom. lshin Mora, the baby, survived, and after several operations her Foot was saved. Today, aged 35, lshin is married with a young son. She owns the supermarket Can (pronounced Jan) Kan on Shakespeare Avenue in Nicosia. Her limp reminds her of the Atrocity she was too young to understand. 

Ozer Jambaz was one of the Fighters who went with the retreat Through the Greek quarter. "As the long column straggled past, he told me, "the Greeks Went up to their lofts and removed some of the red roof tiles, not Enough for themselves to be seen, Just enough to stick a gun Through. And then they began shooting down on those defenceless People. We had no ammunition and had to take the punishment. 

For the Greeks, it was like shooting fish in a barrel. They were our Neighbours, the same ones who say today that they had always Lived peacefully with us. They were bastards, absolute bastards! There were many injured. But it could have been worse. We could All have died. "If Sampson and his army had had the courage to attack us - as He alleged he did in his memoirs - he could have killed the 5,000 of us. We were completely defenceless by this time. We would have been at their mercy and we were finding out , through those neighbours of ours that the Greeks had no mercy". 

Ever since Sandys had literally forced the Greeks to return the Turkish hostages from Kykkos school, lrene Checkley of the St John's Ambulance Corps and the International Red Cross Representatives on the island had been touring the country armed With a list of missing Turks. Among them were the names of the 21 Patients who had vanished from Nicosia Central Hospital Eventually, they received information that the patients had died And had been burried in the little cemetery at Ayios Vasilios 
On Monday morning, a group of Turks with spades were escorted by British paratroopers to the graveyard the foreign Press Watched as the digging commenced. 

The first spot chosen unearthed, only a few feet down, the first Bodies. Three men had been thrown on top of each other. 
The digging continued A family was unearthed, a boy with his Hands still tied behind his knees, a little girl. They were all fully clothed, one an old man with the black Baggy trousers and high boots of the Cypriot peasant. 

From the coffee shop at the Greek end of the village, only a few Hundred Yards away came a young Greek on a motor scooter. The Troops stood aside to let him pass through A few minutes later he Returned, stopped and, gazing at the scene with some interest, Calmly. Started to light cigarette. A paratroop sergeant spotted him and yelled. "Get him out of Here!" A soldier sprang forward Gave one unmistakable motion With his thumb, and the Greek roared back to the village. 

I got into my Rover and followed . At the coffee shop sat over a dozen young Greeks. The scooter man was regaling them with what He had seen. I walked into the shop. Ordered coffee and returned To sit at a table among the customers I was feeling rather Belligerent. A few minutes later, a Greek police superintendent stood in the road, looking first along at the graveyard and then at Me. 

I went over to him and introduced myself he spoke excellent English I said. "You used to have a lot of Turks living here," I said What happened to them?" The superintendent turned a trifle grey. "They left" he said. "Where did they go?" "We tried to stop them but they insisted on leaving and going to Other villages." "There were over one hundred," 1 told him. "Twenty-one never reached the other villages. Have you any idea where they are?" 

He shook his head. "They all left." "Twenty-one of them didn't go far," I said. "Just a few hundred yards." He kept looking at me, so I pointed up the road to the huddle of Paratroopers. "They stopped up there," I said, "in the cemetery. They're dead and buried." 

He didn't answer, and I was standing there glaring at him, Willing him to say or do something that would give me an excuse to belt him one, when a few other journalists came up. They saw there was a fight brewing and one of them took my arm and took me back to my car. 1 told them what the policeman had said, and we all drove back to witness the grisly scene at the graveyard. 

There was no guesswork in deciding the corpses were from Ayios Vasilos and the neighbourhood. The Twenty one patients had been in the hospital when the shooting started. They had. Not been fully clothed. By nightfall, twenty-one bodies had been Exhumed. They were taken to the Turkish quarter of Nicosia for burial. Some were identified immediately as the former residents of Ayios Vasilios. Some were never identified, so badly were they maimed. 

How had the 21 hospital patients got mixed up with the 21 Ayios Vasilios villagers? 

That night, the Greeks issued a written statement Headed, "Turks distort the truth." It calmly insisted that the Ayios Vasilios bodies were not the villagers at all, but were in fact the Hospital patients. The statement read: "A government spokesman, referring to today's exhumation of Corpses from the Turkish cemetery at Ayios Vasilios and the Unholy exploitation of the subject by the Turkish leadership, has Stated the following: - 

During the first days of the incidents, Greece and Turkish Wounded and dead were taken not only to Greek and Turkish Private clinics, but also to the Nicosia General Hospital. Fifty-two Greek wounded and sixteen Greek dead as well as Five Turkish wounded and 21 Turkish dead were removed to the General Hospital. The hospital authorities promptly notified the Minister of Health, who is a Turk, and the Turkish Cypriot Leadership to make Arrangements for the removal of the Turkish dead. 
They replied that They would do so. The Red Cross was also informed and a list of The dead was handed to it. But as the days passed and decomposition had begun, the Hospital had no alternative but to make arrangements for the burial Of the bodies, which were interned (sic) in the Turkish cemetery at Ayios Vasilios. The .Turkish Cypriot leadership was again informed Of this. This action of the hospital authorities in seeing to the burial of The bodies ought to be appreciated as a humane gesture. Instead, the Turkish Cypriot leaders thought fit to distort the truth in an attempt To make political capital. Thus showing disrespect not only for the Truth but for their dead." 

When the Red Crass finally discovered the burial place, they Were under the impression they would find the bodies of the 21 Who had been patients when the shootings started. The statement was an attempt to account for them, so the Greeks were admitting the hospital patients were in fact dead. 

The Attempt was unsuccessful,for the world was already seeing the Photographs of the exhumation and knew from the clothes of the Victims and the filmed evidence that some had their hands tied Behind their backs that they were not hospital in-patients. 

The statement also showed there was a deep sickness in the Minds of the Greek Cypriot leadership. Every foreign Correspondent who read it was filled with disgust. The fate of those 71 in-patients was never revealed by the Greeks. But the revolting truth did come to light 25 years later. 

The British newspaper "The Guardian." quoting a hitherto Secret report from a certain "Packard". 

A naval commander based in Maltil who had been sent to Cyprus to trace missing persons, Reported: "One of Packard's first tasks was to try to find out what had happened to the Turkish hospital patients. Secret discussions took place with a Greek Minister.... 

It appeared that the Greek medical Staff had slit the Turkish patient's throats as they lay in their beds. Their bodies were loaded on to a truck and driven to a farm north of the city where they were fed into mechanical choppers and ground into the earth." This nauseating behaviour was carried out under the Akritas Plan. Its Chief of Operations was on Glafkos Clerides, code name Hiperides. At the moment of writing he is the President of Greek Cyprus. 

On January 15, the conference on Cyprus opened in London. The British were confident a solution would be worked out. The Turks Were hopeful. But Makarios threw another spanner in the works. It had been agreed after hard bargaining through Mr. Sandys That the conference would be………… attended by representatives of their Governments - Britain, Greece and Turkey and the two Cyprus Communities. 

This was the official communiqué made by the British High Commission on the departure of Mr. Sandys on January 2, 1964. Greece and Turkey were represented by their foreign ministers, Glafkos Clerides led the Greek Cypriot delegation, Denktash and Osman Orek the Turkish one. 

Then Makarios sent his foreign minister, Spyros Kyprianou, accompanied by the Attorney General, Criton Tornnrites QC, to represent the Cyprus government. During the talks, Duncan Sandys, the chairman, treated Kyprianou as the Greek Cypriot delegate, but nevertheless the constitution of the conference had been subtly adulterated and its chances of success were doomed to failure from the outset on account of this Greek Cypriot manoevre for Kyprianou had been sent sabotage the talks.


H.SCOTT GIBBONS
THE GENOCIDE FILES (book,1997)







CYPRUS,  20 JULY - 14 AUGUST 1974

IT WAS NOT AN INVASION, IT WAS A RESCUE MISSION!